BUENAVISTA, Agusan del Norte (MindaNews/16 November) -- For North Cotabato Vice Gov. Emmanuel Pinol, it was time to teach the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) some lessons in journalism ethics. Reacting to a NUJP statement calling him a ‘bully’ and a ‘tin pot dictator’ for allegedly threatening a radio blocktimer in Kidapawan City three weeks ago, Pinol said the media organization used cruel language in making the accusation. "The savage and vicious verbal attacks made against me by the NUJP, an organization supposedly committed to protecting journalists and safeguarding press freedom, has greatly tarnished the respectability of the Union,” the vice governor today said in a statement.
He said that by using ‘cruel language’ Nonoy Espina, NUJP vice chairman, became what he accused the official to be – “a big bully and a thug drunken with power tearing people's reputation to shreds without the benefit of careful validation of facts.”
Pinol was referring to an incident involving Alberto "Boy" Encarnacion, barangay chairman of Meohao, Kidapawan City who he said had attacked him in two previous political exercises by buying airtime from local radio stations.
He said that three weeks ago Encarnacion again attacked him over Radyo Natin 107.1 in Kidapawan City using a case of intrusion and trespassing filed against him (Pinol) by a Bukidnon provincial board member.
He said the program, reportedly aired for the first time, convicted him “even before the prosecutor could determine the merits of the case” and told listeners not to vote for people like him.
Pinol said he went to the radio station with three other persons – his driver, a police security and a former employee who owns an internet café in Kidapawan. He said they had no guns when they entered the radio station.
He said that upon knowing it was Encarnacion who made the broadcast, he blurted out, “Ikaw na pud?” (You again?)
The vice governor said he refused Encarnacion’s offer of handshake and that he explained the case in the presence of the radio technician who stood nearby.
He added he asked Encarnacion why he allowed himself to be used by his political opponents when he is a barangay chairman.
"You should have come to me to explain your side before this broadcast," Pinol quoted the broadcaster as saying.
"How can I do that? I did not even know that you are back to your old business again?" he supposedly quipped backed.
"’Do this again and I will file libel charges against you. Bantay ka lang,’ was what I remembered telling him before I left,” the vice governor said.
Pinol said he merely went to the station to give his side of the story and that he and his escorts were unarmed contrary to NUJP’s statement which said he came “with thugs in tow”.
“I did not touch Encarnacion physically, not even a handshake,” he added.
He accused NUJP of “relying solely on the report of its field officer, Malu Manar, whose husband is employed by the city mayor of Kidapawan, who belongs to the other political group.” |
Manar, a reporter of DXND who also writes for MindaNews, said her husband, a member of the Civil Security Unit, has no influence at all in the affairs of the city and that her husband is paid not by the mayor but by taxpayers’ money.She said she personally interviewed Encarnacion who admitted he was warned by Pinol; sent a reporter to check on the blotter which in the police logbook had a notation, “off air pls” allegedly on the request of Encarnacion. Manar said she also sent a reporter to get Pinol’s side.
Manar said she discussed the issue in her radio program only after Piñol was able to give his side.
Pinol said the NUJP statement “ is now being used by my political opponents. Although it poses minimal damage to my political standing, it is hurting simply because I was a practicing journalist before I became a politician and may go back to the profession after the end of my political term. I believe I have more right to claim to be a journalist than the paid hacks like Encarnacion.”
”I may be hurting and angry but I can assure the NUJP officers that I can still maintain my level-headedness and discuss this incident profoundly in relation to defending press freedom and protecting working journalists,” he said.
Pinol posed the following points, quoted here verbatim, for NUJP to “seriously consider”:
1. You consider my decision to go to the station to confront the paid broadcaster as "harassment." Don't we, who are victims of unfair and vicious media attacks, have the right to defend our honor and integrity by demanding equal time and space for our response? When people like me file libel charges, you cry harassment. What do you think is the best option for us?
“2. Many of the so-called broadcasters and journalists in the rural areas who were attacked or killed were either involved in AC/DC (attack and collect/defend and collect) operations against local politicians or personalities or had personal motives in making the attacks. This has to be studied in the context of Filipino culture where pride and honor or "dangal" are considered enough reasons to kill and die for. This is especially true among Filipino Muslims where "maratabat" is the cause of many clan feuds and killings. Must not NUJP initiate efforts to address this problem by conducting a study of Press Freedom in the Philippines in relation to Filipino and Filipino Muslim culture?
“3. The NUJP statement in my case is a perfect example of how the cardinal rule of journalism on validation of stories was violated. You relied mainly on the report of a polluted source in coming up with a conclusion that I am a "bully" and a "tin pot dictator." Given the weight of NUJP's influence on the media, is it not proper that a lot of prudence and verification be made before issuing statements?
“4. The NUJP statement with regard to my case was sweeping and vicious and it used abusive language in describing people like me. Given the stature of the NUJP, would it not be more appropriate to issue a calmer and level-headed statement? Believe me, and Mr. Espina should listen to this, measured and carefully written statements are more powerful than foul and abusive language.” (MindaNews)
Tuesday, November 17, 2009
College grads from conflict areas can do internship with major firms in Manila
KIDAPAWAN CITY (MindaNews/14 Nov) -- College graduates from conflict areas in Mindanao can apply for a job internship program with major corporations in Metro Manila, according to the Growth with Equity in Mindanao (GEM), a program funded by the US Agency for International Development (USAID). Interns will be provided orientation and training, round-trip travel arrangements between their home base in Mindanao and their internship location in Metro Manila, a monthly living allowance, and medical insurance for the duration of the internship.
The internship, according to a statement issued by GEM, is under one of their projects, the Productive Internships in Dynamic Enterprises (PRIDE).
Under PRIDE, qualified graduates from traditionally-underserved communities in Mindanao, including the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, can apply for internships in major corporations that have established PRIDE partnerships with the GEM Program.
The graduates can avail of technical or management internships from these corporations, including KFC Philippines, InterPhil Laboratories, and Globe Telecommunications.
“The internships provide graduates with an opportunity to build up their résumés and increase their knowledge and skills relative to the expectations and human resource needs of the corporate world. PRIDE is also aimed at increasing awareness, on the part of participating companies, of the skilled pool of potential employees available in Mindanao,” said the GEM.
The applicants, the GEM said, must be graduates of any of the following disciplines: hotel and restaurant management, civil engineering, mechanical engineering, industrial engineering, electrical engineering, electronics and communications engineering, information technology, computer science, architecture, pharmacy, or accounting. (Malu Cadelina-Manar/MindaNews)
The internship, according to a statement issued by GEM, is under one of their projects, the Productive Internships in Dynamic Enterprises (PRIDE).
Under PRIDE, qualified graduates from traditionally-underserved communities in Mindanao, including the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, can apply for internships in major corporations that have established PRIDE partnerships with the GEM Program.
The graduates can avail of technical or management internships from these corporations, including KFC Philippines, InterPhil Laboratories, and Globe Telecommunications.
“The internships provide graduates with an opportunity to build up their résumés and increase their knowledge and skills relative to the expectations and human resource needs of the corporate world. PRIDE is also aimed at increasing awareness, on the part of participating companies, of the skilled pool of potential employees available in Mindanao,” said the GEM.
The applicants, the GEM said, must be graduates of any of the following disciplines: hotel and restaurant management, civil engineering, mechanical engineering, industrial engineering, electrical engineering, electronics and communications engineering, information technology, computer science, architecture, pharmacy, or accounting. (Malu Cadelina-Manar/MindaNews)
Evacuees complain of “returned” stamp on access cards
DATU PIANG (MindaNews/ 15 November) – Their access cards indicate they have “returned” to their villages and, therefore, can no longer avail of ration from the World Food Programme (WFP), other humanitarian agencies and politicians like Senator Loren Legarda.
Nearly a month after their access cards were stamped “returned” by the Department of Social Welfare and Development, the evacuees are still in the evacuation sites, waiting for the promised assistance that would allow them to return home.
And because their cards had been stamped “returned” and their names stricken off the masterlist, no assistance is forthcoming.
Fr. Eduardo Vasquez, OMI, parish priest of this predominantly Moro town, said that apart from the confusion over these alleged “returned” evacuees or internally displaced persons (IDPs), the IDPs themselves cite five reasons why they have not returned home nearly four months after the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) suspended military operations.
First, there are no more homes to return to, as they have been burned or destroyed by the elements. Most of the IDPs have spent over a year in the evacuation centers.
Second, there is no assurance that is safe for them to return home.
Third, there are no food provisions to start them off in their places of origin, since they still have to resume farming or fishing.
Fourth, UXOs or unexploded ordnance. Farmers are afraid to till their lands for fear of unexploded bombs.
Fifth, livelihood assistance since most, if not all their carabaos, farm animals and other means of livelihood such as fishnets, have all been sold or destroyed.
Vasquez said that before he left for Manila on November 3, community leaders in the evacuation centers met with him to say their last food supply was still on September 10. He said he verified from WFP and was told there was no supply for the month of October but that supply would be distributed on November 12.
Danny Usman, a leader of 33 families from Barangay Duaminanga, told the assembly of IDPs at the grounds of the Sta. Teresita of the Child Jesus parish that all their access cards were stamped “Returned” on October 19 but they have not returned to Duaminanga because they were waiting for the promised “pabaon” (provision) of three sacks of rice and an unspecified amount of money.
But no such provisions came, Usman said.
Food supply was distributed on November 12 at 25 kilos of rice and oil for those included in the masterlist. But those whose access cards had been stamped “returned” received only rice, he said.
Ed Diestro, municipal information officer 3, said there are still 3,330 families in 27 evacuation centers in Datu Piang, as of the October 15 validation of WFP, ‘s while 487 are house-based.
Diestro explained that cards stamped with “returned” imply they are no longer in the masterlist and therefore, cannot avail of assistance. He also cited problems such as “fake” evacuees.
A total of 1,019 families have been reported “returned” as of October 15, but Usman said they are actually still in the evacuation centers.
Only 3,000 family packs were to be distributed from Senator Legarda’s assistance last Saturday, triggering complaints from those whose cards had been marked “returned.” The Legarda pack consisted of 2.5 kilos of riece, 1 corned beef, 2 sardines, one kilo brown sugar, 50 grams coffee.
Musib Uy Tan, executive assistant to the mayor, said he had just returned from a three-month absence and would work on the complaints immediately to ensure everyone gets his/her share.
Diestro said the town has been classified as Risk Level 1, or “wala nang problema, wala nang putok.”
Tan said six of 16 barangays have been declared “safe” – Buayan, Magaslong, Balanaken, Dado, Montay and Balong.
A team of reporters proceeded to these villages and saw so many still abandoned houses along the road to Balanaken, Liong and Alonganen, some 4.6 kilometers away from the Datu Gumbay Elementary school and the army’s firebase.
IDPs who choose to settle in the newly-established settlement areas in the municipality, can do so and would be provided food assistance on a food-for-work basis, Tan said.
The United Nations Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (UNGPID) provides guideposts on dealing with IDPs returning home.
Principle 3 states that national authorities “have the primary duty and responsibility to provide protection and humanitarian assistance to internally displaced persons within their jurisdiction” and IDPs have the right to “request and to receive protection and humanitarian assistance from these authorities. They shall not be persecuted or punished for making such a request.”
Principle 15 states that IDPs have the right, among others, “to be protected against forcible return to or resettlement in any place where their life, safety, liberty and/or health would be at risk.”
Principle 25 states that the primary duty and responsibility for providing humanitarian assistance to internally displaced persons lies with national authorities.
Under Principle 28, “competent authorities have the primary duty and responsibility to establish conditions, as well as provide the means, which allow internally displaced persons to return voluntarily, in safety and with dignity, to their homes or places of habitual residence, or to resettle voluntarily in another part of the country. Such authorities shall endeavour to facilitate the reintegration of returned or resettled internally displaced persons.”
“Special efforts should be made to ensure the full participation of internally displaced persons in the planning and management of their return or resettlement and reintegration,” it added.
Principle 29 also states that “competent authorities have the duty and responsibility to assist returned and/or resettled internally displaced persons to recover, to the extent possible, their property and possessions which they left behind or were dispossessed of upon their displacement. When recovery of such property and possessions is not possible, competent authorities shall provide or assist these persons in obtaining appropriate compensation or another form of just reparation.” (Carolyn O. Arguillas/MindaNews)
Nearly a month after their access cards were stamped “returned” by the Department of Social Welfare and Development, the evacuees are still in the evacuation sites, waiting for the promised assistance that would allow them to return home.
And because their cards had been stamped “returned” and their names stricken off the masterlist, no assistance is forthcoming.
Fr. Eduardo Vasquez, OMI, parish priest of this predominantly Moro town, said that apart from the confusion over these alleged “returned” evacuees or internally displaced persons (IDPs), the IDPs themselves cite five reasons why they have not returned home nearly four months after the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) suspended military operations.
First, there are no more homes to return to, as they have been burned or destroyed by the elements. Most of the IDPs have spent over a year in the evacuation centers.
Second, there is no assurance that is safe for them to return home.
Third, there are no food provisions to start them off in their places of origin, since they still have to resume farming or fishing.
Fourth, UXOs or unexploded ordnance. Farmers are afraid to till their lands for fear of unexploded bombs.
Fifth, livelihood assistance since most, if not all their carabaos, farm animals and other means of livelihood such as fishnets, have all been sold or destroyed.
Vasquez said that before he left for Manila on November 3, community leaders in the evacuation centers met with him to say their last food supply was still on September 10. He said he verified from WFP and was told there was no supply for the month of October but that supply would be distributed on November 12.
Danny Usman, a leader of 33 families from Barangay Duaminanga, told the assembly of IDPs at the grounds of the Sta. Teresita of the Child Jesus parish that all their access cards were stamped “Returned” on October 19 but they have not returned to Duaminanga because they were waiting for the promised “pabaon” (provision) of three sacks of rice and an unspecified amount of money.
But no such provisions came, Usman said.
Food supply was distributed on November 12 at 25 kilos of rice and oil for those included in the masterlist. But those whose access cards had been stamped “returned” received only rice, he said.
Ed Diestro, municipal information officer 3, said there are still 3,330 families in 27 evacuation centers in Datu Piang, as of the October 15 validation of WFP, ‘s while 487 are house-based.
Diestro explained that cards stamped with “returned” imply they are no longer in the masterlist and therefore, cannot avail of assistance. He also cited problems such as “fake” evacuees.
A total of 1,019 families have been reported “returned” as of October 15, but Usman said they are actually still in the evacuation centers.
Only 3,000 family packs were to be distributed from Senator Legarda’s assistance last Saturday, triggering complaints from those whose cards had been marked “returned.” The Legarda pack consisted of 2.5 kilos of riece, 1 corned beef, 2 sardines, one kilo brown sugar, 50 grams coffee.
Musib Uy Tan, executive assistant to the mayor, said he had just returned from a three-month absence and would work on the complaints immediately to ensure everyone gets his/her share.
Diestro said the town has been classified as Risk Level 1, or “wala nang problema, wala nang putok.”
Tan said six of 16 barangays have been declared “safe” – Buayan, Magaslong, Balanaken, Dado, Montay and Balong.
A team of reporters proceeded to these villages and saw so many still abandoned houses along the road to Balanaken, Liong and Alonganen, some 4.6 kilometers away from the Datu Gumbay Elementary school and the army’s firebase.
IDPs who choose to settle in the newly-established settlement areas in the municipality, can do so and would be provided food assistance on a food-for-work basis, Tan said.
The United Nations Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (UNGPID) provides guideposts on dealing with IDPs returning home.
Principle 3 states that national authorities “have the primary duty and responsibility to provide protection and humanitarian assistance to internally displaced persons within their jurisdiction” and IDPs have the right to “request and to receive protection and humanitarian assistance from these authorities. They shall not be persecuted or punished for making such a request.”
Principle 15 states that IDPs have the right, among others, “to be protected against forcible return to or resettlement in any place where their life, safety, liberty and/or health would be at risk.”
Principle 25 states that the primary duty and responsibility for providing humanitarian assistance to internally displaced persons lies with national authorities.
Under Principle 28, “competent authorities have the primary duty and responsibility to establish conditions, as well as provide the means, which allow internally displaced persons to return voluntarily, in safety and with dignity, to their homes or places of habitual residence, or to resettle voluntarily in another part of the country. Such authorities shall endeavour to facilitate the reintegration of returned or resettled internally displaced persons.”
“Special efforts should be made to ensure the full participation of internally displaced persons in the planning and management of their return or resettlement and reintegration,” it added.
Principle 29 also states that “competent authorities have the duty and responsibility to assist returned and/or resettled internally displaced persons to recover, to the extent possible, their property and possessions which they left behind or were dispossessed of upon their displacement. When recovery of such property and possessions is not possible, competent authorities shall provide or assist these persons in obtaining appropriate compensation or another form of just reparation.” (Carolyn O. Arguillas/MindaNews)
Montesa: One government response to One Bangsamoro challenge
DAVAO CITY (MindaNews/14 November) – Peace Process Assistant Secretary Camilo “Bong” Montesa says the Phlilippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) “survived the crash” in the peace process last year and the Philippine government is “slowly moving towards the direction of a closer, integrated response to this single, yet multi-faceted, One Bangsamoro Challenge.” Montesa, head of the Peacekeeping and Peacemaking Group at the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP), senior advisor and spokesperson for the GRP-MILF peace process and also government chair in the Tripartite Implementation Review of the 1996 GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement, told the Mindanao Working Group in a meeting in Davao City last Thursda that “we cannot continue to deal with MILF peace process, the MNLF (Moro National Liberarion Front) peace process, the challenge to make ARMM (Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao) work, and the threats posed by extremist groups like the JI (Jemaah Islamiyah) and Abu Sayyaf as if they are separate and unrelated.”
“While different people sit at different tables and dealing with different parties, we want to bring these tables closer and closer to each other and in one room. The underlying theme of all these issues are one and the same: the challenge of distinct and minoritized people seeking recognition of identity and a space to live out this distinctiveness,” he said.
“While we engage these groups differently, we want to engage them in view of all our other efforts across the other tables. In the end, we are talking about the same people, the same aspirations, the same problems and probably the same solutions,” Montesa added.
“Concretely,” he said, “we want One Government Response to to this One Bangsamoro Challenge.”
Same page
Montesa said they want the actions of government negotiators with the MILF “to be informed by what’s happening with the MNLF review of implementation, informed by the planning done by MEDCo, (Mindanao Economic Development Authority), informed by the inputs of our security forces and informed by the active participation of civil society and peoples organizations.”
“In the same way, we want our efforts at reviewing the implementation of the 1996 Final Peace Agreement to be in sync with our negotiations with the MILF and consistent with our Mindanao 2020 Agenda,” he said.
Montesa explained that when government’s security and police forces plan and operate their tactical operations, “we want it to be informed by the over-all strategic objective of the ‘primacy of the peace process,’ with the participation of the autonomous regional government and conscious of the development initiatives we are doing in the area.”
He expressed hope that the the MWG initiatives in Mindanao “be actually aligned and support our peace, security and development agenda. It should do no harm.
Montesa said development in the peace process in the past four weeks has “energized” him.
“I see a lot of reasons to be optimistic and excited.”
Crash
Montesa likened the peace process to a computer operating system like Apple’s Leopard or Microsoft Windows.
“Just as an operating system is a platform to attain outcomes, the peace process is a platform to attain a specific outcome - in this case, a negotiated political settlement with the MILF - a building block in the crucial work of attaining that long elusive peace in Mindanao.”
“Operating systems crash. They are not perfect. Bugs or problems are found that create glitches and hang the system. When a system hangs, all other applications hang and there is a need to reboot or restart it. However, merely rebooting the system will not suffice. Without a permanent solution to the bugs, the system will, again and again, continue to crash and with it all other applications. The same is true with peace processes. They crash. And when they do, all the relevant applications, whether it be - third party facilitation, ceasefire monitoring, rehabilitation and development projects, and humanitarian interventions - crash with it,” he said.
He cited the number of times the peace process crashed – in 2000 when then President Estrada launched an all-out war against the MILF; in February 2003 when the Arroyo administration waged war purportedly against a kidnap-for-ransom gang but later admitted it was against the MILF.
“Every time the peace process crashes, the human, economic, and political costs are tremendous.
Lives are lost, properties destroyed and civilians are forced to evacuate from their communities.
With each crash, people’s confidence in a peaceful settlement is progressively diminished.
Nobody wants any system to crash - whether of the computer kind or peace processes. But if there is one thing that technology teaches us, it is this: to solve the problem, one must identify the ‘bugs’ that caused crash and to find a way of correcting it, usually via an ‘upgrade,’” Montesa said.
“For Erap’s ‘all-out war,’ the problem was the violation by both parties of the ceasefire agreement and their lack of mutual trust and confidence. The solution then was to bring in a third-party - The Government of Malaysia - to mediate and facilitate the negotiations between two distrustful parties,” he said.
“For the crash of the Buliok offensives, the problem was the suspicion that the MILF was coddling kidnap-for-ransom groups, like the Pentagon Gang. The solution consisted of two upgrades in the process: first, bring in the International Monitoring Team or the IMT to monitor the ceasefire agreement and second, to create the Ad Hoc Joint Action Group or the AHJAG which is a platform where the Government and MILF security forces can jointly pursue lawless and terror elements,” he said.
Problems
For the crash brought about by the Supreme Court’s issuance of a temporary restraining order on the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD), Montesa cited three problems: “first, the lack of support and control, second, spoilers and third, the need to protect civilians.”
On the first, he said “the MOA-AD episode showed how fragile and weak the support was to the peace process. While the panels were about to sign a significant agreement, they failed to rally their respective constituencies around it.”
“For the Philippine Government, it highlighted the need to bring into the process and get the active support of the Supreme Court, Congress, local government officials, indigenous peoples groups and civil society organizations,” he said.
“For the MILF, it highlighted the need to bring into the negotiations their local commanders and the bigger Bangsamoro constituency - traditional leaders, politicians, civil society organizations, not just the armed groups,” Montesa added.
The electoral process in 2010 was also cited on the matter of continuity. “How sure are the parties that the peace process will survive the change in administration and that the previous agreements will be honored?”
On the “spoilers” which he described as “people and institutions who feel that they have a stake in the process and yet were excluded from having a meaningful and substantial participation in crafting the agreement. It also includes people and institutions whose interests, whether political, economic or regional, are threatened by the changes that will be brought by the peace agreement.”
“The MOA-AD episode revealed how a few but determined and well-resourced ‘spoilers’ can derail and scuttle a process meant to benefit the many.
“Biggest Casualty”
On the need to protect civilians, Montesa said the “biggest casualty of the MOA-AD episode are the thousands of IDPs still living in sub-human conditions this very minute in (Southwestern) Mindanao.”
“The plight of the IDPs remain to be the most vivid proof of the truism that civilians bear the heaviest cost of war and that whether it be all-out peace or all-out war, there must be a mechanism to protect them,” he said.
To “upgrade” the system, he said: “First, generate support by building a coalition of friends and by consolidating internally. Second, craft a strategy to deal with spoilers. Third, create a civilian protection mechanism.”
The first is being addressed by the creation of an International Contact Group (ICG) which will “publicly lend their credibility, goodwill, influence and wise counsel.”
Montesa said that on the side of government, “we will consolidate our ranks by engaging, perhaps more than we ever did in the past, the Supreme Court, Congress and Mindanao leaders to find acceptable solutions to peace in Mindanao.”
“To the problem of ‘spoilers,’ the first act should be the conduct of the broad consultations with stakeholders. However, in addition to broad public consultations, we will engage those who are opposed to the peace process in an inclusive and honest dialogue and come up with real alternatives. We will make sure that they cannot anymore use the excuse that they were not consulted,” he said.
On the need to protect civilians, “we decided to invite civil society organizations, whether national or international, to help us monitor our agents’ compliance to established norms and rules on civilian protection. We created a Civilian Protection Component of the International Monitoring Team to flesh out this commitment.”
“Civilian protection is important to us. This is the reason why although it is structurally part of the International Monitoring Team, its mandate and existence will continue and is independent of whether or not there will be an International Monitoring Team in the future,” he said. (MindaNews)
“While different people sit at different tables and dealing with different parties, we want to bring these tables closer and closer to each other and in one room. The underlying theme of all these issues are one and the same: the challenge of distinct and minoritized people seeking recognition of identity and a space to live out this distinctiveness,” he said.
“While we engage these groups differently, we want to engage them in view of all our other efforts across the other tables. In the end, we are talking about the same people, the same aspirations, the same problems and probably the same solutions,” Montesa added.
“Concretely,” he said, “we want One Government Response to to this One Bangsamoro Challenge.”
Same page
Montesa said they want the actions of government negotiators with the MILF “to be informed by what’s happening with the MNLF review of implementation, informed by the planning done by MEDCo, (Mindanao Economic Development Authority), informed by the inputs of our security forces and informed by the active participation of civil society and peoples organizations.”
“In the same way, we want our efforts at reviewing the implementation of the 1996 Final Peace Agreement to be in sync with our negotiations with the MILF and consistent with our Mindanao 2020 Agenda,” he said.
Montesa explained that when government’s security and police forces plan and operate their tactical operations, “we want it to be informed by the over-all strategic objective of the ‘primacy of the peace process,’ with the participation of the autonomous regional government and conscious of the development initiatives we are doing in the area.”
He expressed hope that the the MWG initiatives in Mindanao “be actually aligned and support our peace, security and development agenda. It should do no harm.
Montesa said development in the peace process in the past four weeks has “energized” him.
“I see a lot of reasons to be optimistic and excited.”
Crash
Montesa likened the peace process to a computer operating system like Apple’s Leopard or Microsoft Windows.
“Just as an operating system is a platform to attain outcomes, the peace process is a platform to attain a specific outcome - in this case, a negotiated political settlement with the MILF - a building block in the crucial work of attaining that long elusive peace in Mindanao.”
“Operating systems crash. They are not perfect. Bugs or problems are found that create glitches and hang the system. When a system hangs, all other applications hang and there is a need to reboot or restart it. However, merely rebooting the system will not suffice. Without a permanent solution to the bugs, the system will, again and again, continue to crash and with it all other applications. The same is true with peace processes. They crash. And when they do, all the relevant applications, whether it be - third party facilitation, ceasefire monitoring, rehabilitation and development projects, and humanitarian interventions - crash with it,” he said.
He cited the number of times the peace process crashed – in 2000 when then President Estrada launched an all-out war against the MILF; in February 2003 when the Arroyo administration waged war purportedly against a kidnap-for-ransom gang but later admitted it was against the MILF.
“Every time the peace process crashes, the human, economic, and political costs are tremendous.
Lives are lost, properties destroyed and civilians are forced to evacuate from their communities.
With each crash, people’s confidence in a peaceful settlement is progressively diminished.
Nobody wants any system to crash - whether of the computer kind or peace processes. But if there is one thing that technology teaches us, it is this: to solve the problem, one must identify the ‘bugs’ that caused crash and to find a way of correcting it, usually via an ‘upgrade,’” Montesa said.
“For Erap’s ‘all-out war,’ the problem was the violation by both parties of the ceasefire agreement and their lack of mutual trust and confidence. The solution then was to bring in a third-party - The Government of Malaysia - to mediate and facilitate the negotiations between two distrustful parties,” he said.
“For the crash of the Buliok offensives, the problem was the suspicion that the MILF was coddling kidnap-for-ransom groups, like the Pentagon Gang. The solution consisted of two upgrades in the process: first, bring in the International Monitoring Team or the IMT to monitor the ceasefire agreement and second, to create the Ad Hoc Joint Action Group or the AHJAG which is a platform where the Government and MILF security forces can jointly pursue lawless and terror elements,” he said.
Problems
For the crash brought about by the Supreme Court’s issuance of a temporary restraining order on the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD), Montesa cited three problems: “first, the lack of support and control, second, spoilers and third, the need to protect civilians.”
On the first, he said “the MOA-AD episode showed how fragile and weak the support was to the peace process. While the panels were about to sign a significant agreement, they failed to rally their respective constituencies around it.”
“For the Philippine Government, it highlighted the need to bring into the process and get the active support of the Supreme Court, Congress, local government officials, indigenous peoples groups and civil society organizations,” he said.
“For the MILF, it highlighted the need to bring into the negotiations their local commanders and the bigger Bangsamoro constituency - traditional leaders, politicians, civil society organizations, not just the armed groups,” Montesa added.
The electoral process in 2010 was also cited on the matter of continuity. “How sure are the parties that the peace process will survive the change in administration and that the previous agreements will be honored?”
On the “spoilers” which he described as “people and institutions who feel that they have a stake in the process and yet were excluded from having a meaningful and substantial participation in crafting the agreement. It also includes people and institutions whose interests, whether political, economic or regional, are threatened by the changes that will be brought by the peace agreement.”
“The MOA-AD episode revealed how a few but determined and well-resourced ‘spoilers’ can derail and scuttle a process meant to benefit the many.
“Biggest Casualty”
On the need to protect civilians, Montesa said the “biggest casualty of the MOA-AD episode are the thousands of IDPs still living in sub-human conditions this very minute in (Southwestern) Mindanao.”
“The plight of the IDPs remain to be the most vivid proof of the truism that civilians bear the heaviest cost of war and that whether it be all-out peace or all-out war, there must be a mechanism to protect them,” he said.
To “upgrade” the system, he said: “First, generate support by building a coalition of friends and by consolidating internally. Second, craft a strategy to deal with spoilers. Third, create a civilian protection mechanism.”
The first is being addressed by the creation of an International Contact Group (ICG) which will “publicly lend their credibility, goodwill, influence and wise counsel.”
Montesa said that on the side of government, “we will consolidate our ranks by engaging, perhaps more than we ever did in the past, the Supreme Court, Congress and Mindanao leaders to find acceptable solutions to peace in Mindanao.”
“To the problem of ‘spoilers,’ the first act should be the conduct of the broad consultations with stakeholders. However, in addition to broad public consultations, we will engage those who are opposed to the peace process in an inclusive and honest dialogue and come up with real alternatives. We will make sure that they cannot anymore use the excuse that they were not consulted,” he said.
On the need to protect civilians, “we decided to invite civil society organizations, whether national or international, to help us monitor our agents’ compliance to established norms and rules on civilian protection. We created a Civilian Protection Component of the International Monitoring Team to flesh out this commitment.”
“Civilian protection is important to us. This is the reason why although it is structurally part of the International Monitoring Team, its mandate and existence will continue and is independent of whether or not there will be an International Monitoring Team in the future,” he said. (MindaNews)
Asia Foundation named ICG member
DAVAO CITY (MindaNews/14 November) – The Asia Foundation has been named member of the International Contact Group (ICG) that will support the peace process of the Philippine government and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The government and MILF peace panels have yet to formally jointly announce the composition of the INGO (international non-governmental organization) component in the ICG but the Asia Foundation was named by government peace panel chair Rafael Seguis, when he briefed US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton on November 12.
Clinton said the US “stands ready to assist” in the peace process.
Seguis briefed Clinton on the September 15, 2009 agreement on the creation of an ICG and told her the US “can send conflict resolution experts who can help break stalemates in the negotiations through the ICG. They can also send eminent persons who can join the ICG and the US-based Asia Foundation will also join the ICG together with other international nongovernment organizations," he said.
The Asia Foundation is a non-profit, non-governmental organization “committed to the development of a peaceful, prosperous, just, and open Asia-Pacific region.” The Foundation supports programs in Asia that help improve governance, law, and civil society; women's empowerment; economic reform and development; and international relations. Drawing on more than 50 years of experience in Asia, the Foundation collaborates with private and public partners to support leadership and institutional development, exchanges, and policy research.
Under the Sept. 15 framework agreement, the ICG is “ad-hoc in nature and issue-specific in its engagement consistent with an international dimension in aid of the consensus that will effectively enable them to exert proper leverage and to sustain the interest of the Parties as well as maintain a level of comfort that restores mutual trust.”
The ICG draws its mandate from both Negotiating Peace Panels and the Third Party Facilitation:
According to the agreement, the ICG ”will consist of interested countries accompanying the peace process preferably drawn from the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) and the European Union (EU) as well as accredited INGO to be invited by the Parties in consultation with the Third Party Facilitator.”
“Mindful of the interests of the stakeholders to benefit from and expect significant peace dividends from the ICG mission, the Parties will designate INGO that will be accredited along with their named local NGO partners,” the Agreement states.
INGOs like TAF will perform the following roles in the ICG: “engage and act as a bridge between the Parties, ICG, Facilitator and their local partners and civil society in support of the peace process; exchange views, provide research inputs, give feedback and advice to the Parties in coordination with the Facilitator; and establish communication channels in furtherance of peace process advocacy.
Another INGO invited into the ICG is, according to MindaNews sources, the Henry Dunant Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue which helped in the peace process in Aceh. The HDC is an organization “dedicated to the promotion of humanitarian principles, the prevention of conflict, and the alleviation of its effects through dialogue.”
MindaNews sources from the government and MILF peace panels said two more INGOs have been invited, one based in Southeast Asia and another based in Europe.
In a press statement on November 13, the Asia Foundation’s office in the Philippines announced it had accepted an invitation from the Philippine government and the MILF.
“The Asia Foundation will lend its reputation of being a credible and reliable partner committed to forging a more peaceful, prosperous, and just Asia-Pacific region, as well as its 55-year track record of effective program design and management, its trusted and extensive network of Asian partners, and dedicated staff,” it said.
The statement added that Asia Foundation has led successful programs in Mindanao for more than three decades now and has identified peace and development in Mindanao as among the highest priorities for the Philippines. Through its resident office in Manila, opened in 1954, and its satellite offices in Cotabato City and Zamboanga City, the Foundation has been working with local governments, civil society organizations, and private sector partners throughout Mindanao. “The Foundation’s programs address issues related to conflict and development in Mindanao, and building constructive relationships between Manila and Mindanao,” it said.
“Joining the ICG will enable the Foundation to play a direct, landmark role in the formal GRP-MILF peace process,” it said.
The Asia Foundation supports a variety of activities, drawing on its long-standing relationships with many actors throughout Mindanao, and utilizes its on-the-ground presence to work toward peace and development in the region.
From Zamboanga to Surigao cities and municipalities throughout Mindanao, it has helped professionalize human resource management in government offices. “Pioneering work with local partners on resolving clan feuds (rido) has led to the settlement of over 100 such conflicts, making communities more peaceful,” the statement read.
It also supported private sector consultations among local chambers of commerce, and staged a roadshow to Manila to devise how the private sector and its investments can contribute to peace. (MindaNews)
Clinton said the US “stands ready to assist” in the peace process.
Seguis briefed Clinton on the September 15, 2009 agreement on the creation of an ICG and told her the US “can send conflict resolution experts who can help break stalemates in the negotiations through the ICG. They can also send eminent persons who can join the ICG and the US-based Asia Foundation will also join the ICG together with other international nongovernment organizations," he said.
The Asia Foundation is a non-profit, non-governmental organization “committed to the development of a peaceful, prosperous, just, and open Asia-Pacific region.” The Foundation supports programs in Asia that help improve governance, law, and civil society; women's empowerment; economic reform and development; and international relations. Drawing on more than 50 years of experience in Asia, the Foundation collaborates with private and public partners to support leadership and institutional development, exchanges, and policy research.
Under the Sept. 15 framework agreement, the ICG is “ad-hoc in nature and issue-specific in its engagement consistent with an international dimension in aid of the consensus that will effectively enable them to exert proper leverage and to sustain the interest of the Parties as well as maintain a level of comfort that restores mutual trust.”
The ICG draws its mandate from both Negotiating Peace Panels and the Third Party Facilitation:
According to the agreement, the ICG ”will consist of interested countries accompanying the peace process preferably drawn from the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) and the European Union (EU) as well as accredited INGO to be invited by the Parties in consultation with the Third Party Facilitator.”
“Mindful of the interests of the stakeholders to benefit from and expect significant peace dividends from the ICG mission, the Parties will designate INGO that will be accredited along with their named local NGO partners,” the Agreement states.
INGOs like TAF will perform the following roles in the ICG: “engage and act as a bridge between the Parties, ICG, Facilitator and their local partners and civil society in support of the peace process; exchange views, provide research inputs, give feedback and advice to the Parties in coordination with the Facilitator; and establish communication channels in furtherance of peace process advocacy.
Another INGO invited into the ICG is, according to MindaNews sources, the Henry Dunant Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue which helped in the peace process in Aceh. The HDC is an organization “dedicated to the promotion of humanitarian principles, the prevention of conflict, and the alleviation of its effects through dialogue.”
MindaNews sources from the government and MILF peace panels said two more INGOs have been invited, one based in Southeast Asia and another based in Europe.
In a press statement on November 13, the Asia Foundation’s office in the Philippines announced it had accepted an invitation from the Philippine government and the MILF.
“The Asia Foundation will lend its reputation of being a credible and reliable partner committed to forging a more peaceful, prosperous, and just Asia-Pacific region, as well as its 55-year track record of effective program design and management, its trusted and extensive network of Asian partners, and dedicated staff,” it said.
The statement added that Asia Foundation has led successful programs in Mindanao for more than three decades now and has identified peace and development in Mindanao as among the highest priorities for the Philippines. Through its resident office in Manila, opened in 1954, and its satellite offices in Cotabato City and Zamboanga City, the Foundation has been working with local governments, civil society organizations, and private sector partners throughout Mindanao. “The Foundation’s programs address issues related to conflict and development in Mindanao, and building constructive relationships between Manila and Mindanao,” it said.
“Joining the ICG will enable the Foundation to play a direct, landmark role in the formal GRP-MILF peace process,” it said.
The Asia Foundation supports a variety of activities, drawing on its long-standing relationships with many actors throughout Mindanao, and utilizes its on-the-ground presence to work toward peace and development in the region.
From Zamboanga to Surigao cities and municipalities throughout Mindanao, it has helped professionalize human resource management in government offices. “Pioneering work with local partners on resolving clan feuds (rido) has led to the settlement of over 100 such conflicts, making communities more peaceful,” the statement read.
It also supported private sector consultations among local chambers of commerce, and staged a roadshow to Manila to devise how the private sector and its investments can contribute to peace. (MindaNews)
Critical Questions for Hillary
By Patricio P. Diaz
GENERAL SANTOS CITY (MindaNews/14 Nov) – U.S. State Secretary Hillary Clinton urged the Philippine Government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front to “not waste the opportunity to strike a peace deal before President Macapagal-Arroyo steps down next June”. She stated so at a special forum at the University of Sto. Tomas, November 13.
Most welcomed show of concern. But hasn’t this been expressed for the nth time by various groups and individuals? The only big difference: This time it is from the U.S. top State official, Secretary Hillary Clinton.
Inquirer.net (Nov. 14) reported Mrs. Clinton to have said that “the conditions for peace are ripe” and Ms. Arroyo was “very committed” and “fully prepared” to make the difficult decisions need to achieve peace with the MILF.
Who told Mrs. Clinton that – the Embassy people? Is the Secretary flattering President Arroyo? Did the Embassy not tell her that President Arroyo had sorely passed up the most critical time for her “to make the difficult decisions needed to achieve peace with the MILF” – when the MOA-AD needed her intervention?
She warned “the negotiating environment could change under a new administration,” so she pepped up: “So strike while the iron is hot, when people are in the mood and willing to make peace. Do not sleep; do not rest until we finally get there.”
Pep talk is good sales talk. Is the MILF buying? Expected – the change of negotiating environment under the new administration. What made Mrs. Clinton sound wary that the change would be for the worse?
She cautioned President Arroyo against “an agreement outside the Constitution and laws of the country” since “that will be creating more problems”. Did she know that while her advice was unnecessary the more proper and most necessary was on how to make an agreement outside of the Constitution constitutional? She missed the point.
She also warned against “rogue elements” of the MILF who do not support the peace process. It is important to isolate them. What about the “rogue elements” within the Arroyo government? What is to be done with them?
She made three promises: Washington (1) would help facilitate the talks by talking to both sides; (2) would provide social and economic aid to improve the lives of people in Mindanao; and, (3) would help “isolate those who are not interested in peace at all and are only interested in conflict and terrorism”. The promises are most welcome.
But would it have been better had Washington not ignored the petitions of the Moro leaders of Sulu and Mindanao a century ago warning of troubles that, prophetically true, are now the subject of GRP-MILF peace negotiation – the Mindanao conflict that has caused the loss of so many lives and material resources?
The third promise is enigmatic. What is Washington planning to do?
Behind and beyond all questions, what the U.S. State Secretary said about GRP-MILF peace negotiation is the official position of Washington. Will Manila and Darapanan (the present seat of the MILF Central Committee) oblige?
[“Comment" is Mr. Patricio P. Diaz' column for MindaViews, the opinion section of MindaNews. Mr. Diaz is the recipient of a “Lifetime Achievement Award” from the Titus Brandsma for his "commitment to education and public information to Mindanawons as Journalist, Educator and Peace Advocate." You may e-mail your comments to patpdiaz@mindanews.com]
GENERAL SANTOS CITY (MindaNews/14 Nov) – U.S. State Secretary Hillary Clinton urged the Philippine Government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front to “not waste the opportunity to strike a peace deal before President Macapagal-Arroyo steps down next June”. She stated so at a special forum at the University of Sto. Tomas, November 13.
Most welcomed show of concern. But hasn’t this been expressed for the nth time by various groups and individuals? The only big difference: This time it is from the U.S. top State official, Secretary Hillary Clinton.
Inquirer.net (Nov. 14) reported Mrs. Clinton to have said that “the conditions for peace are ripe” and Ms. Arroyo was “very committed” and “fully prepared” to make the difficult decisions need to achieve peace with the MILF.
Who told Mrs. Clinton that – the Embassy people? Is the Secretary flattering President Arroyo? Did the Embassy not tell her that President Arroyo had sorely passed up the most critical time for her “to make the difficult decisions needed to achieve peace with the MILF” – when the MOA-AD needed her intervention?
She warned “the negotiating environment could change under a new administration,” so she pepped up: “So strike while the iron is hot, when people are in the mood and willing to make peace. Do not sleep; do not rest until we finally get there.”
Pep talk is good sales talk. Is the MILF buying? Expected – the change of negotiating environment under the new administration. What made Mrs. Clinton sound wary that the change would be for the worse?
She cautioned President Arroyo against “an agreement outside the Constitution and laws of the country” since “that will be creating more problems”. Did she know that while her advice was unnecessary the more proper and most necessary was on how to make an agreement outside of the Constitution constitutional? She missed the point.
She also warned against “rogue elements” of the MILF who do not support the peace process. It is important to isolate them. What about the “rogue elements” within the Arroyo government? What is to be done with them?
She made three promises: Washington (1) would help facilitate the talks by talking to both sides; (2) would provide social and economic aid to improve the lives of people in Mindanao; and, (3) would help “isolate those who are not interested in peace at all and are only interested in conflict and terrorism”. The promises are most welcome.
But would it have been better had Washington not ignored the petitions of the Moro leaders of Sulu and Mindanao a century ago warning of troubles that, prophetically true, are now the subject of GRP-MILF peace negotiation – the Mindanao conflict that has caused the loss of so many lives and material resources?
The third promise is enigmatic. What is Washington planning to do?
Behind and beyond all questions, what the U.S. State Secretary said about GRP-MILF peace negotiation is the official position of Washington. Will Manila and Darapanan (the present seat of the MILF Central Committee) oblige?
[“Comment" is Mr. Patricio P. Diaz' column for MindaViews, the opinion section of MindaNews. Mr. Diaz is the recipient of a “Lifetime Achievement Award” from the Titus Brandsma for his "commitment to education and public information to Mindanawons as Journalist, Educator and Peace Advocate." You may e-mail your comments to patpdiaz@mindanews.com]
The GRP-MILF peace process: Time to Reboot
By: Atty. Bong Montesa
(Delivered on November 12, 2009 in Davao City, at the conference of the Mindanao Working Group).
I am happy to be here and more so because I am excited to share with you the exciting things happening inside the GRP-MILF peace process. If you asked me a month ago whether there will be significant movement within the remaining period, I would have said, “not much”. But as a participant in the negotiations for the past four weeks, I am energized. I see a lot of reasons to be optimistic and excited.
The peace process as an operating system
We can compare the peace process to a computer “operating system” like Apple’s Leopard or Microsoft Windows. Just as an operating system is a platform to attain outcomes, the peace process is a platform to attain a specific outcome - in this case, a negotiated political settlement with the MILF - a building block in the crucial work of attaining that long elusive peace in Mindanao.
Operating systems crash. They are not perfect. Bugs or problems are found that create glitches and hang the system. When a system hangs, all other applications hang and there is a need to reboot or restart it. However, merely rebooting the system will not suffice. Without a permanent solution to the bugs, the system will, again and again, continue to crash and with it all other applications.
The same is true with peace processes. They crash. And when they do, all the relevant applications, whether it be - third party facilitation, ceasefire monitoring, rehabilitation and development projects, and humanitarian interventions - crash with it.
The GRP-MILF peace process: a history of crashes
The peace process has its own history of crashes. It crashed in June 2000 when President Erap decided to call for an all-out war. It crashed again in February 2003 with the offensives at Buliok Complex.
Every time the peace process crash, the human, economic, and political costs are tremendous. Lives are lost, properties destroyed and civilians are forced to evacuate from their communities. With each crash, people’s confidence in a peaceful settlement is progressively diminished. Nobody wants any system to crash - whether of the computer kind or peace processes. But if there is one thing that technology teaches us, it is this: to solve the problem, one must identify the “bugs” that caused crash and to find a way of correcting it, usually via an “upgrade”.
For Erap’s “all-out war”, the problem was the violation by both parties of the ceasefire agreement and their lack of mutual trust and confidence. The solution then was to bring in a third-party - The Government of Malaysia - to mediate and facilitate the negotiations between two distrustful parties.
For the crash of the Buliok offensives, the problem was the suspicion that the MILF was coddling kidnap-for-ransom groups, like the Pentagon Gang. The solution consisted of two upgrades in the process: first, bring in the International Monitoring Team or the IMT to monitor the ceasefire agreement and second, to create the Ad Hoc Joint Action Group or the AHJAG which is a platform where the Government and MILF security forces can jointly pursue lawless and terror elements.
The current crash
Coming now to the current state of things, the peace process crashed last year when the Supreme Court TRO’d the signing of the MOA-AD. We have yet to recover from that crash. Formal Talks have not yet officially resumed. We are still offline.The MOA-AD triggered attacks by a few MILF commanders on unarmed civilian communities and the subsequent military offensives to pursue and arrest these commanders brought war, once again, to Mindanao.
The “bugs” of the current crash
What are the problems? We see three: first, the lack of support and control, second, spoilers and third, the need to protect civilians
Firstly, lack of support and control.The MOA-AD episode showed how fragile and weak the support was to the peace process. While the panels were about to sign a significant agreement, they failed to rally their respective constituencies around it.
For the Philippine Government, it highlighted the need to bring into the process and get the active support of the Supreme Court, Congress, local government officials, indigenous peoples groups and civil society organizations.
For the MILF, it highlighted the need to bring into the negotiations their local commanders and the bigger Bangsamoro constituency - traditional leaders, politicians, civil society organizations, not just the armed groups.
Furthermore, with the elections hurrying near, there is a question of continuity. How sure are the parties that the peace process will survive the change in administration and that the previous agreements will be honored?
Secondly, “spoilers”. Who are “spoilers” but people and institutions who feel that they have a stake in the process and yet were excluded from having a meaningful and substantial participation in crafting the agreement. It also includes people and institutions whose interests, whether political, economic or regional, are threatened by the changes that will be brought by the peace agreement. The MOA-AD episode revealed how a few but determined and well-resourced “spoilers” can derail and scuttle a process meant to benefit the many.
Thirdly, the need to protect civilians. The biggest casualty of the MOA-AD episode are the thousands of IDPs still living in subhuman conditions this very minute in Central Mindanao.
The plight of the IDPs remain to be the most vivid proof of the truism that civilians bear the heaviest cost of war and that whether it be all-out peace or all-out war, there must be a mechanism to protect them.
Again, the problems are: lack of support and control, spoilers and the need to protect civilians.
The necessary upgrades for the current crash
What are the necessary upgrades to the system? First, generate support by building a coalition of friends and by consolidating internally. Second, craft a strategy to deal with spoilers. Third, create a civilian protection mechanism.
To the problem of lack of support and control, we decided to build a coalition of friends - composed of states and international and national NGOs - who will publicly lend their credibility, goodwill, influence and wise counsel. This coalition is expected to “push” us to complete the process and in the event that a final peace agreement is signed, to help in implementing it. This coalition is the “International Contact Group” (ICG).
Furthermore, on the side of Government, we will consolidate our ranks by engaging, perhaps more than we ever did in the past, the Supreme Court, Congress and Mindanao leaders to find acceptable solutions to peace in Mindanao.
To the problem of “spoilers,” the first act should be the conduct of the broad consultations with stakeholders. However, in addition to broad public consultations, we will engage those who are opposed to the peace process in an inclusive and honest dialogue and come up with real alternatives. We will make sure that they cannot anymore use the excuse that they were not consulted.
To the need to protect civilians, we decided to invite civil society organizations, whether national or international, to help us monitor our agents’ compliance to established norms and rules on civilian protection. We created a Civilian Protection Component of the International Monitoring Team to flesh out this commitment.
Civilian protection is important to us. This is the reason why although it is structurally part of the International Monitoring Team, its mandate and existence will continue and is independent of whether or not there will be an International Monitoring Team in the future.
These are the things which makes me feel excited about the prospects and sustainability of the peace process today and beyond 2010. We are fixing the problems and the upgrades are in place.
But there is more.
One Bangsamoro Challenge
We, in Philippine Government, are slowly moving towards the direction of a closer, integrated response to this single, yet multi-faceted, 1 Bangsamoro Challenge. We cannot continue to deal with MILF peace process, the MNLF peace process, the challenge to make ARMM work, and the threats posed by extremist groups like the JI and Abu Sayyaf as if they are separate and unrelated.
While different people sit at different tables and dealing with different parties, we want to bring these tables closer and closer to each other and in one room. The underlying theme of all these issues are one and the same: the challenge of distinct and minoritized people seeking recognition of identity and a space to live out this distinctiveness.
While we engage these groups differently, we want to engage them in view of all our other efforts across the other tables. In the end, we are talking about the same people, the same aspirations, the same problems and probably the same solutions.
One Government Response
Concretely, we want One Government Response to to this One Bangsamoro Challenge. We want the actions of our negotiators with the MILF to be informed by what’s happening with the MNLF review of implementation, informed by the planning done by MEDCO, informed by the inputs of our security forces and informed by the active participation of civil society and peoples organizations.
In the same way, we want our efforts at reviewing the implementation of the 1996 Final Peace Agreement to be in sync with our negotiations with the MILF and consistent with our Mindanao 2020 Agenda.
When our security and police forces plan and operate their tactical operations, we want it to be informed by the over-all strategic objective of the “primacy of the peace process,” with the participation of the autonomous regional government and conscious of the development initiatives we are doing in the area.
With respect to the partners in the Mindanao Working Group, we desire that your initiatives in Mindanao be actually aligned and support our peace, security and development agenda. It should do no harm.
Task Force HELP: Central Mindanao
I am talking here not just of a mere upgrade of a single computer system but of creating a vibrant “local area network” of the different systems involved in Mindanao - integrating security, development, peace and governance systems and yes, including systems of the foreign assistance like the Mindanao Working Group. I am talking here of people and institutions talking closely to each other, complementing each other, enriching each other. It is a worthwhile task which must be commenced soon.
This is the reason for the establishment of Task Force: HELP Central Mindanao, which is the initial platform that will facilitate these conversations between security, development, humanitarian and governance systems. When before these systems were “closed”, we want them now to be “open”. The Mindanao Working Group should work closely with this Task Force.
These are the reasons why I feel excited about this peace process. And I think it should excite you, too. The doors for real participation and contribution by members of the Mindanao Working Group are open. It awaits only your generosity and response.
Let me end by saying this: we survived the crash. The bugs have been identified.The upgrades are installed. It’s time to reboot the peace process.
Daghang salamat ug maayong buntag kaninyong tanan!
(Delivered on November 12, 2009 in Davao City, at the conference of the Mindanao Working Group).
I am happy to be here and more so because I am excited to share with you the exciting things happening inside the GRP-MILF peace process. If you asked me a month ago whether there will be significant movement within the remaining period, I would have said, “not much”. But as a participant in the negotiations for the past four weeks, I am energized. I see a lot of reasons to be optimistic and excited.
The peace process as an operating system
We can compare the peace process to a computer “operating system” like Apple’s Leopard or Microsoft Windows. Just as an operating system is a platform to attain outcomes, the peace process is a platform to attain a specific outcome - in this case, a negotiated political settlement with the MILF - a building block in the crucial work of attaining that long elusive peace in Mindanao.
Operating systems crash. They are not perfect. Bugs or problems are found that create glitches and hang the system. When a system hangs, all other applications hang and there is a need to reboot or restart it. However, merely rebooting the system will not suffice. Without a permanent solution to the bugs, the system will, again and again, continue to crash and with it all other applications.
The same is true with peace processes. They crash. And when they do, all the relevant applications, whether it be - third party facilitation, ceasefire monitoring, rehabilitation and development projects, and humanitarian interventions - crash with it.
The GRP-MILF peace process: a history of crashes
The peace process has its own history of crashes. It crashed in June 2000 when President Erap decided to call for an all-out war. It crashed again in February 2003 with the offensives at Buliok Complex.
Every time the peace process crash, the human, economic, and political costs are tremendous. Lives are lost, properties destroyed and civilians are forced to evacuate from their communities. With each crash, people’s confidence in a peaceful settlement is progressively diminished. Nobody wants any system to crash - whether of the computer kind or peace processes. But if there is one thing that technology teaches us, it is this: to solve the problem, one must identify the “bugs” that caused crash and to find a way of correcting it, usually via an “upgrade”.
For Erap’s “all-out war”, the problem was the violation by both parties of the ceasefire agreement and their lack of mutual trust and confidence. The solution then was to bring in a third-party - The Government of Malaysia - to mediate and facilitate the negotiations between two distrustful parties.
For the crash of the Buliok offensives, the problem was the suspicion that the MILF was coddling kidnap-for-ransom groups, like the Pentagon Gang. The solution consisted of two upgrades in the process: first, bring in the International Monitoring Team or the IMT to monitor the ceasefire agreement and second, to create the Ad Hoc Joint Action Group or the AHJAG which is a platform where the Government and MILF security forces can jointly pursue lawless and terror elements.
The current crash
Coming now to the current state of things, the peace process crashed last year when the Supreme Court TRO’d the signing of the MOA-AD. We have yet to recover from that crash. Formal Talks have not yet officially resumed. We are still offline.The MOA-AD triggered attacks by a few MILF commanders on unarmed civilian communities and the subsequent military offensives to pursue and arrest these commanders brought war, once again, to Mindanao.
The “bugs” of the current crash
What are the problems? We see three: first, the lack of support and control, second, spoilers and third, the need to protect civilians
Firstly, lack of support and control.The MOA-AD episode showed how fragile and weak the support was to the peace process. While the panels were about to sign a significant agreement, they failed to rally their respective constituencies around it.
For the Philippine Government, it highlighted the need to bring into the process and get the active support of the Supreme Court, Congress, local government officials, indigenous peoples groups and civil society organizations.
For the MILF, it highlighted the need to bring into the negotiations their local commanders and the bigger Bangsamoro constituency - traditional leaders, politicians, civil society organizations, not just the armed groups.
Furthermore, with the elections hurrying near, there is a question of continuity. How sure are the parties that the peace process will survive the change in administration and that the previous agreements will be honored?
Secondly, “spoilers”. Who are “spoilers” but people and institutions who feel that they have a stake in the process and yet were excluded from having a meaningful and substantial participation in crafting the agreement. It also includes people and institutions whose interests, whether political, economic or regional, are threatened by the changes that will be brought by the peace agreement. The MOA-AD episode revealed how a few but determined and well-resourced “spoilers” can derail and scuttle a process meant to benefit the many.
Thirdly, the need to protect civilians. The biggest casualty of the MOA-AD episode are the thousands of IDPs still living in subhuman conditions this very minute in Central Mindanao.
The plight of the IDPs remain to be the most vivid proof of the truism that civilians bear the heaviest cost of war and that whether it be all-out peace or all-out war, there must be a mechanism to protect them.
Again, the problems are: lack of support and control, spoilers and the need to protect civilians.
The necessary upgrades for the current crash
What are the necessary upgrades to the system? First, generate support by building a coalition of friends and by consolidating internally. Second, craft a strategy to deal with spoilers. Third, create a civilian protection mechanism.
To the problem of lack of support and control, we decided to build a coalition of friends - composed of states and international and national NGOs - who will publicly lend their credibility, goodwill, influence and wise counsel. This coalition is expected to “push” us to complete the process and in the event that a final peace agreement is signed, to help in implementing it. This coalition is the “International Contact Group” (ICG).
Furthermore, on the side of Government, we will consolidate our ranks by engaging, perhaps more than we ever did in the past, the Supreme Court, Congress and Mindanao leaders to find acceptable solutions to peace in Mindanao.
To the problem of “spoilers,” the first act should be the conduct of the broad consultations with stakeholders. However, in addition to broad public consultations, we will engage those who are opposed to the peace process in an inclusive and honest dialogue and come up with real alternatives. We will make sure that they cannot anymore use the excuse that they were not consulted.
To the need to protect civilians, we decided to invite civil society organizations, whether national or international, to help us monitor our agents’ compliance to established norms and rules on civilian protection. We created a Civilian Protection Component of the International Monitoring Team to flesh out this commitment.
Civilian protection is important to us. This is the reason why although it is structurally part of the International Monitoring Team, its mandate and existence will continue and is independent of whether or not there will be an International Monitoring Team in the future.
These are the things which makes me feel excited about the prospects and sustainability of the peace process today and beyond 2010. We are fixing the problems and the upgrades are in place.
But there is more.
One Bangsamoro Challenge
We, in Philippine Government, are slowly moving towards the direction of a closer, integrated response to this single, yet multi-faceted, 1 Bangsamoro Challenge. We cannot continue to deal with MILF peace process, the MNLF peace process, the challenge to make ARMM work, and the threats posed by extremist groups like the JI and Abu Sayyaf as if they are separate and unrelated.
While different people sit at different tables and dealing with different parties, we want to bring these tables closer and closer to each other and in one room. The underlying theme of all these issues are one and the same: the challenge of distinct and minoritized people seeking recognition of identity and a space to live out this distinctiveness.
While we engage these groups differently, we want to engage them in view of all our other efforts across the other tables. In the end, we are talking about the same people, the same aspirations, the same problems and probably the same solutions.
One Government Response
Concretely, we want One Government Response to to this One Bangsamoro Challenge. We want the actions of our negotiators with the MILF to be informed by what’s happening with the MNLF review of implementation, informed by the planning done by MEDCO, informed by the inputs of our security forces and informed by the active participation of civil society and peoples organizations.
In the same way, we want our efforts at reviewing the implementation of the 1996 Final Peace Agreement to be in sync with our negotiations with the MILF and consistent with our Mindanao 2020 Agenda.
When our security and police forces plan and operate their tactical operations, we want it to be informed by the over-all strategic objective of the “primacy of the peace process,” with the participation of the autonomous regional government and conscious of the development initiatives we are doing in the area.
With respect to the partners in the Mindanao Working Group, we desire that your initiatives in Mindanao be actually aligned and support our peace, security and development agenda. It should do no harm.
Task Force HELP: Central Mindanao
I am talking here not just of a mere upgrade of a single computer system but of creating a vibrant “local area network” of the different systems involved in Mindanao - integrating security, development, peace and governance systems and yes, including systems of the foreign assistance like the Mindanao Working Group. I am talking here of people and institutions talking closely to each other, complementing each other, enriching each other. It is a worthwhile task which must be commenced soon.
This is the reason for the establishment of Task Force: HELP Central Mindanao, which is the initial platform that will facilitate these conversations between security, development, humanitarian and governance systems. When before these systems were “closed”, we want them now to be “open”. The Mindanao Working Group should work closely with this Task Force.
These are the reasons why I feel excited about this peace process. And I think it should excite you, too. The doors for real participation and contribution by members of the Mindanao Working Group are open. It awaits only your generosity and response.
Let me end by saying this: we survived the crash. The bugs have been identified.The upgrades are installed. It’s time to reboot the peace process.
Daghang salamat ug maayong buntag kaninyong tanan!
(MindaViews is the opinion section of MindaNews. PeaceTalk is open to anyone who wants to share his/her views on the peace processes in Mindanao. Assistant Seretary Bong Montesa is senior advisor and spokesperson for the GRP-MILF peace process. He is also the Chair of Tripartite Implementation Review of the 1996 GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement)
Source: http://www.mindanews.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=7220&Itemid=266
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