by Keith Bacongco/MindaNews
Saturday, 13 February 2010 09:51
BARANGAY BULIOK, Pagalungan, Maguindanao (MindaNews / February 12) - The rubble, the bullet-riddled walls, the bomb craters have remained. And though not visible, the wounds of war have yet to heal for thousands of residnents who were forced to leave their homes when government forces bombarded this village during the Eid’l Adha congregational prayer on February 11, 2003. A village official narrates their hardships at the evacuation center in nearby Pikit town in North Cotabato, some 15 kilometers from here.
Villagers recall the incident as “treacherous attack against the Moro people,” happening as it did on Eid’l Adha, the Islamic feast of the holy sacrifice.
The barangay official took a deep breath before describing the first bomb dropped beside the mosque where they were holding the congregational prayer.
“The Imam never finished the prayer; they ran for their lives from the rain of bombs and mortar shells,” he recalled as he took another deep breath and bowed his head. The explosions reportedly left three persons dead.
Seven years ago, government forces attacked Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) positions here as well as in nearby villages of Pikit. The government earlier said that they were hunting down members of the dreaded Pentagon kidnap-for-ransom gang who were reportedly hiding in Liguasan Marsh. Later, government forces went out to flush the MILF in the area.
The fighting displaced thousands of people from several barangays of Pagalungan and Pikit. About a hundred evacuees, mostly children, died in the evacuation centers due to diseases.
For 60-year old Tuwaw Abdulrhakman, the war in 2003 left nothing but hardship as they lost farm animals and their houses were destroyed due to relentless aerial and artillery bombing.
“We have not fully recovered from the war even if it was seven years ago. Look at our house, this was not like this before the war. We have not availed of the rehabilitation program,” Abdulrhakman told MindaNews as she points to the dilapidated walls of their shanty.
She recalls that two days before the attack, they were advised by the village chief to evacuate because the military was already in nearby Barangay Rajahmuda and would launch ground assault anytime. “Hindi na namin kayang magpaiwan kasi wala na ring pumapasok na supply ng pagkain kasi hinaharang ng mga sundalo sa Rajahmuda,” (We couldn’t stay behind because food supply was getting scarce as this was barred by soldiers in Rajahmuda), she recounted. “Ayaw na namin ng gulo para makabawi na talaga kami.Nakakapagod mag-bakwit” (We don’t like war so we can move on. We’re tired of evacuating).
Abdulrhakman stayed at the evacuation center for four months. She had to sell their farm animals when the food supply at the evacuation center dwindled.
Traces of War
How can one forget the war in 2003 when the war’s rubble is a daily reminder?
The village official points to what was once a Marine detachment just about a hundred meters from the Islamic Center. Several knee-deep foxholes and bunkers are still in place but now covered with grasses and dried banana leaves.
He also pointed to a former prison cell of the MILF. The cell’s floor area is 12 square feet, its walls made of about six inches of concrete and the ceiling, also concrete, about 15 feet high. The cell has two windows of 1 by 4 feet.
“This is where the MILF used to lock-up those who violated the laws of the MILF here, such as drug addicts, thieves and murderers,” he explained.
Now it’s riddled with bullets from .50 caliber machine guns of government troops . A hole one foot in diameter, is a reminder of what an RPG (rocket-propelled grenade) is capable of doing.
When the Marines occupied the area, the prison cell was reportedly converted into a makeshift disco house. A hut was also built on top, where they occasionally partied, villagers said.
The barangay official disclosed there was an attempt by the MILF to recapture the area.
Across this village is Barangay Buliok, Pikit (North Cotabato) side, which was the object of aerial bombings and artillery shelling in 2003.
Bomb craters are still visible in some areas near the riverbanks of Pulangi River.
What used to be a warehouse constructed through the Special Zone of Peace and Development program, is now a rubble. The warehouse has been left unrepaired despite the government’s rehabilitation program in the area and residents have left the 6-foot deep bomb crater beside the rubble, uncovered.
Remembering 2/11
Earlier in the morning of February 11, 2010, a peace forum was held at the Mahad (Arabic school) in Pikit poblacion, where at least 100 people gathered to commemorate the Buliok attack.
Ustadz Abdul Nasser Musa said the future generation must never forget this day. “Marami nang nagawang kasalanan ang gobyerno sa Bangsamoro. At ang pangyayaring ito noong 2003 ay isa sa pinakamasakit para sa atin na mga Bangsamoro. Hindi nila kinilala ang ating karapatan sa pananampalataya” (Government has committed so many sins against the Bangsamoro. What happened in 2003 was so painful for us Bangsamoro), he told the crowd.
In a separate statement, Nasser Ali, lead convenor of the 2/11 Movement, asked local and national government officials to “refrain from using the GRP-MILF peace process to bolster their political and economic interests. “
Ali also appealed to any group or individual to wait for the results of the peace process before pursuing their interests in the Liguasan Marsh, which is touted to be rich in natural gas.
“The Bangsamoro people, being the rightful owner, must be included and always be part of the every effort to develop the Liguasan Marsh,” he stressed.
The 2/11 Movement is composed of 14 Moro peoples organization binding themselves to lead the move in seeking justice “not just for those who were killed in the Buliok attack but (also for) other victims of injustices at the height of the 2003 war.” ( Keith Bacongco / MindaNews)
With pictures: http://mindanews.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=7620&Itemid=50
Friday, February 12, 2010
Civilian protection in peacekeeping
By Jun Mercado, OMI
Friday, February 12. 2010
On the 27th of October 2009, the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) signed an Agreement on Civilian Protection.
The agreement reconfirms the parties’ commitment to observe the Human Rights Law and the International Humanitarian Law.
By signing this important agreement, both the GRP and the MILF assume all the obligations under the Convention on Human Rights and the International Humanitarian Law.
This, in a special way, has elevated the peace talks between the GRP and the MILF into a higher plane.
What is Civilian protection, especially in areas of conflict?
By definition, Civilian protection refers to all activities aimed at obtaining full respect for the rights of the individuals and communities in accordance with the letter and spirit of the relevant bodies of law, international humanitarian law, and refugee law.
The objective of civilian protection agreement is to reduce the risk and extent of harm to civilians and non-combatants during the actual conflict or during military operations.
The protection of civilians and non combatants is a foremost duty of government and the liberation front.
Both the Human Rights Law and the International Humanitarian Law impose duties on all the parties to the conflict. They also set limits on the methods and means of warfare, particularly as they impact the vulnerable groups.
Worldwide, there is a growing concern over the impact of internal conflict on the non combatants, especially women and children.
Today, the international community requires combatants, government and rebels alike, to respect the dignity and right to life of non-combatants, the wounded and sick, and the prisoners of war.
The principle of civilian protection is anchored on human rights as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the four Geneva Conventions, the additional Protocol II covering non-international armed conflict, and the Philippine Constitution.
In short, the agreement on civilian protection takes the protection of the civilian population as the cornerstone.
With this agreement the question now centers on the so-called ‘collateral damage’ to non-combatants.
Concretely, the debate revolves around the issue of whether or not a degree of ‘collateral damage’ is acceptable.
In the past, the legitimacy of ‘collateral damage’ was premised on the ‘greater’ good and proportional damage.
The theory was debunked following the lost of the Americans in the Vietnam War.
The slogan, “In order to save the village, we had to destroy it,” was the epitome of the abandoned principle of collateral damage.
In view of the on-going discussion on the terms of reference (TOR) for the combatants on the civilian protection, there are basic questions that need to be answered.
1. Should combatants avoid military encounters in civilian communities?
2. In times of population displacement, do the protagonists provide safe passage to fleeing non-combatants?
3. Do the protagonists allow the non-combatants and the internally displaced unhampered access to relief and rehabilitation assistance?
4. Do the protagonists allow or assist in the return of the displaced to their areas of origin?
Notwithstanding the outcome of the present talks, the Civilian Protection (CP) is a good development and should become more robust as more people participate in the process, particularly of the Local Government Units and Civil Society, including the Private Sector (Business).
The Agreement on Civilian Protection, no doubt, provides challenges to both the protagonists and the stakeholders.
The protagonists and stakeholders must think through and beyond the conflict with a view to a common vision of individual rights and responsibilities.
From peace and development perspective, the more the process is coherent and has integrity, the better it becomes in terms of protecting lives and respecting rights.
http://blogs.gmanews.tv/jun-mercado/archives/2010/02.html
Friday, February 12. 2010
On the 27th of October 2009, the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) signed an Agreement on Civilian Protection.
The agreement reconfirms the parties’ commitment to observe the Human Rights Law and the International Humanitarian Law.
By signing this important agreement, both the GRP and the MILF assume all the obligations under the Convention on Human Rights and the International Humanitarian Law.
This, in a special way, has elevated the peace talks between the GRP and the MILF into a higher plane.
What is Civilian protection, especially in areas of conflict?
By definition, Civilian protection refers to all activities aimed at obtaining full respect for the rights of the individuals and communities in accordance with the letter and spirit of the relevant bodies of law, international humanitarian law, and refugee law.
The objective of civilian protection agreement is to reduce the risk and extent of harm to civilians and non-combatants during the actual conflict or during military operations.
The protection of civilians and non combatants is a foremost duty of government and the liberation front.
Both the Human Rights Law and the International Humanitarian Law impose duties on all the parties to the conflict. They also set limits on the methods and means of warfare, particularly as they impact the vulnerable groups.
Worldwide, there is a growing concern over the impact of internal conflict on the non combatants, especially women and children.
Today, the international community requires combatants, government and rebels alike, to respect the dignity and right to life of non-combatants, the wounded and sick, and the prisoners of war.
The principle of civilian protection is anchored on human rights as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the four Geneva Conventions, the additional Protocol II covering non-international armed conflict, and the Philippine Constitution.
In short, the agreement on civilian protection takes the protection of the civilian population as the cornerstone.
With this agreement the question now centers on the so-called ‘collateral damage’ to non-combatants.
Concretely, the debate revolves around the issue of whether or not a degree of ‘collateral damage’ is acceptable.
In the past, the legitimacy of ‘collateral damage’ was premised on the ‘greater’ good and proportional damage.
The theory was debunked following the lost of the Americans in the Vietnam War.
The slogan, “In order to save the village, we had to destroy it,” was the epitome of the abandoned principle of collateral damage.
In view of the on-going discussion on the terms of reference (TOR) for the combatants on the civilian protection, there are basic questions that need to be answered.
1. Should combatants avoid military encounters in civilian communities?
2. In times of population displacement, do the protagonists provide safe passage to fleeing non-combatants?
3. Do the protagonists allow the non-combatants and the internally displaced unhampered access to relief and rehabilitation assistance?
4. Do the protagonists allow or assist in the return of the displaced to their areas of origin?
Notwithstanding the outcome of the present talks, the Civilian Protection (CP) is a good development and should become more robust as more people participate in the process, particularly of the Local Government Units and Civil Society, including the Private Sector (Business).
The Agreement on Civilian Protection, no doubt, provides challenges to both the protagonists and the stakeholders.
The protagonists and stakeholders must think through and beyond the conflict with a view to a common vision of individual rights and responsibilities.
From peace and development perspective, the more the process is coherent and has integrity, the better it becomes in terms of protecting lives and respecting rights.
http://blogs.gmanews.tv/jun-mercado/archives/2010/02.html
Peace and development prospects for Southern Philippines
By Jun Mercado, OMI
Friday, February 5. 2010
We are at a crossroads to decide whether to move forward or to ‘freeze’, albeit temporarily, the peace talks with both the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).
The Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the MNLF’s ‘official’ review of the implementation of the 1996 Final Peace Accord has remained uncertain and directionless despite three sessions held in Jeddah, in Turkey, and in Manila.
The end remains as nebulous as when they started the review of the implementation of the Final Peace Accord.
The two remain poles apart and that any possible convergence of views and reading of the realities on the ground is almost an impossible dream.
The disagreements between the GRP and the MNLF remind me of the challenge posed by the then Indonesian Foreign Minister, Hon. Ali Alatas, who said that “the real hard work begins after the signing of the agreement. For a peace agreement, or any other agreement for that matter, does not implement itself.”
The same can be said with the GRP and the MILF Peace Talks.
Since 1997, the talks have seen the changes and vagaries of three administrations with no real progress on the ground.
In reality, any peace agreement assumes concrete reality only on the accretions of activities completed on the ground.
The challenge for many, particularly on the leaders, lies on the solid ‘implementary’ achievements, contributions, cooperation and often inevitable sacrifices by all those who are supposed to make the peace agreement work.
In the Southern Philippines, we all have traveled far through long and at times circuitous path to peace.
The 1976 Tripoli Agreement and the 1996 Final Peace Accord are products of patient and insistent peacekeeping and peacemaking.
This is the issue we need to grapple with as we ask the question how to make peace truly sustainable in our homeland.
No doubt, the past and present paradigms, including the controversial Memorandum of Agreement on the Ancestral Domain (MOA AD), need re-drawing to be able to build a new culture, a new way of seeing, and a new way of relating to each other.
The efforts and attempts at peacebuilding, peacemaking, and peacekeeping seem NOT to lead to an acceptable formula that would engender a culture of peace.
It is the culture of peace that will, ultimately, transform and replace the prevalent culture of war.
Peacebuilding is often a more difficult task.
It concerns itself not only on a task of reconciliation but more so on finding and developing positive alternatives to the root causes of war.
This makes peacebuilding a vast project.
It is linked to: (1) building a New Paradigm or politics of living together; (2) a wholesale re-construction [development] of areas affected by conflict; (3) a new understanding of ‘security’ and safety; and (3) a new culture – a culture of peace.
In the past, our community has resembled an armed camp.
Today, there is a movement to reduce reliance on military power and to take steps towards re-construction and disarmament.
The conversion from military to civilian production and trade can make available the resources for programs of human development needed to provide economic and political security.
For peace to be sustainable, it is linked to development which is endogenous, equitable, and sustainable.
Human security and democracy can be provided by institutions and behaviors which ensure that the conflicts inherent in all human societies do not destroy the integrity and effective functioning of the society.
Within the human security framework, disagreement and conflict are managed through a process of participation, dialogue, mediation, and compromise, and political solutions are sought from which all can benefit.
For the next 5 months, the Arroyo administration faces a formidable challenge to pursue with ‘boldness’ peace and development alternatives or simply leave the existing ‘no peace and no war’ policy in the Southern Philippines.
To pursue peace and development with boldness would require not only a coherent national policy on Southern Philippines but also a shared vision of peace.
Sad to say, that these two have been lacking in our pursuit of peace in the land.
With the National elections in May 2010, the temptation is to simply dribble the ball and leave the peace process to the next administration.
It is tragic to simply ‘dribble the ball.’
Perhaps, what the GRP, the MNLF and the MILF can do is to focus and agree on the possible ‘doables’ to create the good climate and prepare a fertile ground for the peace talks under the new administration.
This may be the wiser option given the conflicting policies and views on Mindanao.
The challenge for the peace stakeholders is to engage the two leading political parties, Liberal Party and the Nacionalista Party.
Noynoy Aquino and Manny Villar need to define their vision of peace and development for the Southern Philippines.
No need to engage the former President Estrada since he believes that the solution in Southern Philippines is to imply go back to the ‘all out war policy’.
God forbid that he wins again the presidency!
http://blogs.gmanews.tv/jun-mercado/archives/66-Peace-and-development-prospects-for-Southern-Philippines.html
Friday, February 5. 2010
We are at a crossroads to decide whether to move forward or to ‘freeze’, albeit temporarily, the peace talks with both the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).
The Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the MNLF’s ‘official’ review of the implementation of the 1996 Final Peace Accord has remained uncertain and directionless despite three sessions held in Jeddah, in Turkey, and in Manila.
The end remains as nebulous as when they started the review of the implementation of the Final Peace Accord.
The two remain poles apart and that any possible convergence of views and reading of the realities on the ground is almost an impossible dream.
The disagreements between the GRP and the MNLF remind me of the challenge posed by the then Indonesian Foreign Minister, Hon. Ali Alatas, who said that “the real hard work begins after the signing of the agreement. For a peace agreement, or any other agreement for that matter, does not implement itself.”
The same can be said with the GRP and the MILF Peace Talks.
Since 1997, the talks have seen the changes and vagaries of three administrations with no real progress on the ground.
In reality, any peace agreement assumes concrete reality only on the accretions of activities completed on the ground.
The challenge for many, particularly on the leaders, lies on the solid ‘implementary’ achievements, contributions, cooperation and often inevitable sacrifices by all those who are supposed to make the peace agreement work.
In the Southern Philippines, we all have traveled far through long and at times circuitous path to peace.
The 1976 Tripoli Agreement and the 1996 Final Peace Accord are products of patient and insistent peacekeeping and peacemaking.
This is the issue we need to grapple with as we ask the question how to make peace truly sustainable in our homeland.
No doubt, the past and present paradigms, including the controversial Memorandum of Agreement on the Ancestral Domain (MOA AD), need re-drawing to be able to build a new culture, a new way of seeing, and a new way of relating to each other.
The efforts and attempts at peacebuilding, peacemaking, and peacekeeping seem NOT to lead to an acceptable formula that would engender a culture of peace.
It is the culture of peace that will, ultimately, transform and replace the prevalent culture of war.
Peacebuilding is often a more difficult task.
It concerns itself not only on a task of reconciliation but more so on finding and developing positive alternatives to the root causes of war.
This makes peacebuilding a vast project.
It is linked to: (1) building a New Paradigm or politics of living together; (2) a wholesale re-construction [development] of areas affected by conflict; (3) a new understanding of ‘security’ and safety; and (3) a new culture – a culture of peace.
In the past, our community has resembled an armed camp.
Today, there is a movement to reduce reliance on military power and to take steps towards re-construction and disarmament.
The conversion from military to civilian production and trade can make available the resources for programs of human development needed to provide economic and political security.
For peace to be sustainable, it is linked to development which is endogenous, equitable, and sustainable.
Human security and democracy can be provided by institutions and behaviors which ensure that the conflicts inherent in all human societies do not destroy the integrity and effective functioning of the society.
Within the human security framework, disagreement and conflict are managed through a process of participation, dialogue, mediation, and compromise, and political solutions are sought from which all can benefit.
For the next 5 months, the Arroyo administration faces a formidable challenge to pursue with ‘boldness’ peace and development alternatives or simply leave the existing ‘no peace and no war’ policy in the Southern Philippines.
To pursue peace and development with boldness would require not only a coherent national policy on Southern Philippines but also a shared vision of peace.
Sad to say, that these two have been lacking in our pursuit of peace in the land.
With the National elections in May 2010, the temptation is to simply dribble the ball and leave the peace process to the next administration.
It is tragic to simply ‘dribble the ball.’
Perhaps, what the GRP, the MNLF and the MILF can do is to focus and agree on the possible ‘doables’ to create the good climate and prepare a fertile ground for the peace talks under the new administration.
This may be the wiser option given the conflicting policies and views on Mindanao.
The challenge for the peace stakeholders is to engage the two leading political parties, Liberal Party and the Nacionalista Party.
Noynoy Aquino and Manny Villar need to define their vision of peace and development for the Southern Philippines.
No need to engage the former President Estrada since he believes that the solution in Southern Philippines is to imply go back to the ‘all out war policy’.
God forbid that he wins again the presidency!
http://blogs.gmanews.tv/jun-mercado/archives/66-Peace-and-development-prospects-for-Southern-Philippines.html
The prospects of ARMM for 2010
By Jun Mercado, OMI
Tuesday, January 5. 2010
There are several questions people ask about the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao or ARMM. They wonder why the whole experiment on self-governance seemingly does not work.
The five component provinces (Basilan, Lanao Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi) remain the poorest in the country.
The region is a place where good local governance is, in fact, almost an ‘oxymoron.’ It would be worse if the region is measured by the standards of ‘autonomy.’ In fact, the provinces within the ARMM feel and believe that they are less autonomous as compared to the provinces outside of the ARMM.
It is high time for all — the government and the Bangsamoro — to call the experiment a ‘failure’ in self-governance and development.
No doubt, there are one thousand and one reasons for the failure. And there will be no end to finger pointing to who was responsible for the failed governance within the ARMM.
The 2010 elections of new sets of national leaders may pave the way towards the ‘abolition’ of the ARMM.
The year 2010 may, in fact, be a golden opportunity to go back to the drawing board and‘re-invent’ our paradigm of autonomy and governance in Southern Mindanao.
With the 1996 Final Peace Agreement between the GRP and the MNLF and the seeming substantial consensus points between the GRP and the MILF negotiations, we have good elements to shape a transitional structure that is all inclusive of all stakeholders in the area regardless of minority or majority status of inhabitants.
The ARMM as it stands is exclusive, by design and operations, of the Muslims. This is, perhaps, one of the major reasons why the Christian majority provinces or territory averred even the thought of ‘integration’ into the said political geography.
The history of ‘partition’ of the empire province of Cotabato in the 50s was premised on a separate province/territory for Muslims and Christians.
In many ways this was a concept that is at work in the political ideology behind the concept of apartheid (separate development and governance).
The same reason was at work when the powers that be ‘gerrymandered’ the then North Cotabato Province in 1971.
The re-drawing of the map of the then North Cotabato was based on the principle of putting together, with few exceptions, all Muslim dominated towns into one province that gave birth to Maguindanao.
Pikit was the exception, because the political elite then in Pikit Municipality was dominated by Christians hence the opposition to a possibility of inclusion to Maguindanao.
Thus Maguindanao became a Muslim Province, by design and operation!
Following the principle behind the said partition, the Muslims could do whatever they want in their area so long as they do NOT interfere in the Christian dominated provinces of the present North Cotabato and Sultan Kudarat.
Following the partition, Marcos appointed Col. Carlos Cajelo as the governor of North Cotabato, Col. Songco (later Gen. Benjamin Duque) as ‘governor-general’ of Sultan Kudarat and Simeon Datumanong as the governor of Maguindanao.
The Muslims, the Christians, and indigenous peoples began coming together, again, in an experimental government structures following the 1976 Tripoli Agreement between the GRP and the MNLF.
Marcos came out with a ‘transitional structure’ of self-governance akin to a ‘work in progress’ until the 1987 Constitution that mandates the establishment of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao or ARMM.
The first structure was the creation of two autonomous and coordinative ‘Commissions’ one for Region XII and another for Region IX.
Simeon Datumanong was appointed “Commissioner” for Region XII and Admiral Romulo Espaldon for Region IX.
The commission-type self-governance and development was supplanted by the creation of two autonomous regions with complete trappings of executive (Lupong Taga Pagpaganap or LTP) and legislature (Regional Legislative Assembly or RLA).
The two autonomous Regions (IX and XII) included eleven provinces and all cities therein out of the 14 provinces enumerated in the Tripoli Agreement (less Davao del Sur, South Cotabato, Palawan).
In 1989, of the 14 provinces subjected to a referendum, only four provinces (Lanao Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi) favored inclusion to the autonomous region under Republic Act 6734.
The ARMM has seen two Maguindanao Governors (Candao and Ampatuan), two Taosug Governors (Misuari and Husin), and two Maranao (Pangandaman and now acting Governor Adiong).
The ARMM has gone full circle in terms of “ethnic governance” by the dominant Muslim groups.
The experiments do NOT work! Regardless of reasons, the time has come to come up with a major revision both of the blueprint design and operations.
2010 is a new beginning not only for new sets of officials but also for the medium term development goals.
I thought, for a while, that the crisis in the ARMM and the province of Maguindanao would have given that “impetus” and courage to put an end to the ‘failed structure’ that would have paved the way for a new transitional mechanism that is inclusive of all stakeholders and truly accountable to all constituents of the region.
http://blogs.gmanews.tv/jun-mercado/archives/64-The-prospects-of-ARMM-for-2010.html
Tuesday, January 5. 2010
There are several questions people ask about the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao or ARMM. They wonder why the whole experiment on self-governance seemingly does not work.
The five component provinces (Basilan, Lanao Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi) remain the poorest in the country.
The region is a place where good local governance is, in fact, almost an ‘oxymoron.’ It would be worse if the region is measured by the standards of ‘autonomy.’ In fact, the provinces within the ARMM feel and believe that they are less autonomous as compared to the provinces outside of the ARMM.
It is high time for all — the government and the Bangsamoro — to call the experiment a ‘failure’ in self-governance and development.
No doubt, there are one thousand and one reasons for the failure. And there will be no end to finger pointing to who was responsible for the failed governance within the ARMM.
The 2010 elections of new sets of national leaders may pave the way towards the ‘abolition’ of the ARMM.
The year 2010 may, in fact, be a golden opportunity to go back to the drawing board and‘re-invent’ our paradigm of autonomy and governance in Southern Mindanao.
With the 1996 Final Peace Agreement between the GRP and the MNLF and the seeming substantial consensus points between the GRP and the MILF negotiations, we have good elements to shape a transitional structure that is all inclusive of all stakeholders in the area regardless of minority or majority status of inhabitants.
The ARMM as it stands is exclusive, by design and operations, of the Muslims. This is, perhaps, one of the major reasons why the Christian majority provinces or territory averred even the thought of ‘integration’ into the said political geography.
The history of ‘partition’ of the empire province of Cotabato in the 50s was premised on a separate province/territory for Muslims and Christians.
In many ways this was a concept that is at work in the political ideology behind the concept of apartheid (separate development and governance).
The same reason was at work when the powers that be ‘gerrymandered’ the then North Cotabato Province in 1971.
The re-drawing of the map of the then North Cotabato was based on the principle of putting together, with few exceptions, all Muslim dominated towns into one province that gave birth to Maguindanao.
Pikit was the exception, because the political elite then in Pikit Municipality was dominated by Christians hence the opposition to a possibility of inclusion to Maguindanao.
Thus Maguindanao became a Muslim Province, by design and operation!
Following the principle behind the said partition, the Muslims could do whatever they want in their area so long as they do NOT interfere in the Christian dominated provinces of the present North Cotabato and Sultan Kudarat.
Following the partition, Marcos appointed Col. Carlos Cajelo as the governor of North Cotabato, Col. Songco (later Gen. Benjamin Duque) as ‘governor-general’ of Sultan Kudarat and Simeon Datumanong as the governor of Maguindanao.
The Muslims, the Christians, and indigenous peoples began coming together, again, in an experimental government structures following the 1976 Tripoli Agreement between the GRP and the MNLF.
Marcos came out with a ‘transitional structure’ of self-governance akin to a ‘work in progress’ until the 1987 Constitution that mandates the establishment of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao or ARMM.
The first structure was the creation of two autonomous and coordinative ‘Commissions’ one for Region XII and another for Region IX.
Simeon Datumanong was appointed “Commissioner” for Region XII and Admiral Romulo Espaldon for Region IX.
The commission-type self-governance and development was supplanted by the creation of two autonomous regions with complete trappings of executive (Lupong Taga Pagpaganap or LTP) and legislature (Regional Legislative Assembly or RLA).
The two autonomous Regions (IX and XII) included eleven provinces and all cities therein out of the 14 provinces enumerated in the Tripoli Agreement (less Davao del Sur, South Cotabato, Palawan).
In 1989, of the 14 provinces subjected to a referendum, only four provinces (Lanao Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi) favored inclusion to the autonomous region under Republic Act 6734.
The ARMM has seen two Maguindanao Governors (Candao and Ampatuan), two Taosug Governors (Misuari and Husin), and two Maranao (Pangandaman and now acting Governor Adiong).
The ARMM has gone full circle in terms of “ethnic governance” by the dominant Muslim groups.
The experiments do NOT work! Regardless of reasons, the time has come to come up with a major revision both of the blueprint design and operations.
2010 is a new beginning not only for new sets of officials but also for the medium term development goals.
I thought, for a while, that the crisis in the ARMM and the province of Maguindanao would have given that “impetus” and courage to put an end to the ‘failed structure’ that would have paved the way for a new transitional mechanism that is inclusive of all stakeholders and truly accountable to all constituents of the region.
http://blogs.gmanews.tv/jun-mercado/archives/64-The-prospects-of-ARMM-for-2010.html
Thursday, February 11, 2010
Document - Philippines: Candidates need to divulge their positions on human rights
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PUBLIC STATEMENT
AI Index: ASA 35/001/2010
9 February 2010
Philippines: Candidates need to divulge their positions on human rights
The worst pre-election violence in Philippine history – the Maguindanao massacre – has focused global attention on the human rights situation in the country. Now more than ever, candidates in the 10 May presidential elections need to clarify how they will address key human rights issues facing the country.
Today as the presidential campaign period officially begins, Amnesty International calls on all of the presidential candidates to make clear, public commitments on the actions they will take in the first 100 days of office to address serious human rights violations. In a public letter to the candidates, Amnesty International called on them to affirm their commitment to:
1) Revoke Executive Order 546, and ensure full accountability over all state-sponsored militias and paramilitary groups.
Despite the mass killing of 63 civilians on 23 November in Maguindanao, members of state-armed local groups and private armies are still free to operate in other parts of the country The Philippine government’s continued failure to establish accountability for members of these armed groups undermines the rule of law and denies human rights protection for civilians.
Within 100 days, the new Philippine president should revoke Executive Order 546, which allows for militia and paramilitary groups to provide active support in counterinsurgency operations. In practice, these groups have been ill-trained, unaccountable, poorly integrated into the military chain of command, and responsible for serious human rights violations. In some provinces, Civilian Volunteer Organizations (CVOs) effectively function as private armies for local politicians, heightening the risk of pre-election violence.
2) Establish a presidential commission aimed at preventing and prosecuting enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions.
In the last decade, at least 200 Filipinos have been subjected to enforced disappearance, and as many as 1,100 have been executed in political killings. The incoming president needs to establish an impartial and independent commission to review these cases, with the aim of enabling timely and effective investigations and, where warranted, prosecutions.
The new president should initiate legislation that specifically criminalizes enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions. He or she should sign the UN Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances.
3)Order the administration to fully implement the UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement in order to ensure the safety and well-being of the displaced.
Despite the ceasefire in Mindanao, more than 125,000 people remain displaced by the 2008 armed conflict alone. To address this grave humanitarian situation, the incoming president should publicly instruct the administration to ensure that policies comply with the UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement.
Under the Guiding Principles, the government must ensure that the displaced are provided with adequate food, water, shelter, and clothing, as well as essential healthcare and sanitation. It must also guarantee unimpeded humanitarian access to areas under its control. In addition, the government must implement a sustainable plan of action so that the displaced can return to their villages, safely and voluntarily.
As commander-in-chief, the new president will be directly responsible for ensuring that the armed forces comply with international humanitarian law. As a core principle, this law explicitly prohibits direct or indiscriminate attacks against civilians, and this includes displaced persons and all other non-combatants.
/END
Public Document
****************************************
For more information please call Amnesty International's press office in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566 or email: press@amnesty.org
International Secretariat, Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London WC1X 0DW, UK www.amnesty.org
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA35/001/2010/en/4913b8e4-12d4-4baa-9477-9f7274d32fd8/asa350012010en.html
PUBLIC STATEMENT
AI Index: ASA 35/001/2010
9 February 2010
Philippines: Candidates need to divulge their positions on human rights
The worst pre-election violence in Philippine history – the Maguindanao massacre – has focused global attention on the human rights situation in the country. Now more than ever, candidates in the 10 May presidential elections need to clarify how they will address key human rights issues facing the country.
Today as the presidential campaign period officially begins, Amnesty International calls on all of the presidential candidates to make clear, public commitments on the actions they will take in the first 100 days of office to address serious human rights violations. In a public letter to the candidates, Amnesty International called on them to affirm their commitment to:
1) Revoke Executive Order 546, and ensure full accountability over all state-sponsored militias and paramilitary groups.
Despite the mass killing of 63 civilians on 23 November in Maguindanao, members of state-armed local groups and private armies are still free to operate in other parts of the country The Philippine government’s continued failure to establish accountability for members of these armed groups undermines the rule of law and denies human rights protection for civilians.
Within 100 days, the new Philippine president should revoke Executive Order 546, which allows for militia and paramilitary groups to provide active support in counterinsurgency operations. In practice, these groups have been ill-trained, unaccountable, poorly integrated into the military chain of command, and responsible for serious human rights violations. In some provinces, Civilian Volunteer Organizations (CVOs) effectively function as private armies for local politicians, heightening the risk of pre-election violence.
2) Establish a presidential commission aimed at preventing and prosecuting enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions.
In the last decade, at least 200 Filipinos have been subjected to enforced disappearance, and as many as 1,100 have been executed in political killings. The incoming president needs to establish an impartial and independent commission to review these cases, with the aim of enabling timely and effective investigations and, where warranted, prosecutions.
The new president should initiate legislation that specifically criminalizes enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions. He or she should sign the UN Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances.
3)Order the administration to fully implement the UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement in order to ensure the safety and well-being of the displaced.
Despite the ceasefire in Mindanao, more than 125,000 people remain displaced by the 2008 armed conflict alone. To address this grave humanitarian situation, the incoming president should publicly instruct the administration to ensure that policies comply with the UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement.
Under the Guiding Principles, the government must ensure that the displaced are provided with adequate food, water, shelter, and clothing, as well as essential healthcare and sanitation. It must also guarantee unimpeded humanitarian access to areas under its control. In addition, the government must implement a sustainable plan of action so that the displaced can return to their villages, safely and voluntarily.
As commander-in-chief, the new president will be directly responsible for ensuring that the armed forces comply with international humanitarian law. As a core principle, this law explicitly prohibits direct or indiscriminate attacks against civilians, and this includes displaced persons and all other non-combatants.
/END
Public Document
****************************************
For more information please call Amnesty International's press office in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566 or email: press@amnesty.org
International Secretariat, Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London WC1X 0DW, UK www.amnesty.org
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA35/001/2010/en/4913b8e4-12d4-4baa-9477-9f7274d32fd8/asa350012010en.html
Philippines: Keeping the peace
The Philippines has the highest rate of gun-related homicides in Asia. In this edition of 101 East, we ask if the Philippines National Police has taken on the role of judge, jury and executioner, all in the name of keeping the peace.
Tuesday, February 2, 2010
Bangsamoro CSOs: “retain and sustain” Acting Gov Ina Ambolodto
by Carolyn O. Arguillas/MindaNews
Wednesday, 03 February 2010 11:05
DAVAO CITY (MindaNews/03 February) – At least 16 Bangsamoro civil society organizations and networks passed a resolution Tuesday calling on ARMM Acting Governor Ansaruddin Alonto Adiong to “retain and sustain” Bai Nariman “Ina” Abdullah Ambolodto “as vice governor concurrent acting governor of the province of Maguindanao.”
In a two-page resolution, leaders of the Bangsamoro CSOs who convened a caucus on February 2, said they “very humbly respectfully request” Adiong through Haroun Al-Rashid A Lucman, ARMM Secretary of Local Governments and head of the Search Committee that would select the person who will serve as Acting Maguindanao Governor until June 30, to “continue supporting the efforts of Ina Ambolodto of enabling the provincial government to respond to the various pressing needs of our people and communities; intensify and optimize ARMM regional government agency operations in cooperation with the provincial leadership of Ina Ambolodto to address the displacement of our people as a result of fighting and natural calamities, as well as our staggering poverty situation; and retain and sustain Ina as the Provincial Vice-Governor acting provincial Governor.”
The Bangsamoro CSOs, all of them serving Maguindanao – Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society; Bangsamoro Center for Just Peace; Muassasah Ahliya; Kadtuntaya Foundation, Inc.; United Youth of the Philippines-Women; Interfaith Cooperation Forum; Kangudan Development Center, Inc.; Alliance of Bangsamoro for Peace and Sustainable Development; Bangsamoro Youth Leaders Forum; Kadtabanga Foundation, Inc.; Al-lhsan Foundation; Mindanao Homeland Development, lnc.; 4. Moro Integrated Community Development, Inc.; Moro Women Development and Cultural Center, Inc.; Mindanao Human Rights Resource and Action Center – said Ambolodto has been “doing justice and according pride to the trust and confidence bestowed by the Honorable Regional Governor, faithful to the tradition of transparent and accountable governance.”
Ambolodto was sworn in as OIC Vice Governor on December 15. But Local Governments Secretary Ronaldo Puno also named her concurrent Acting Governor. December 15 was exactly ten days since then OIC Maguindanao Governor Datu Andal Ampatuan, Sr., was arrested.
Many applicants… but where’s the list?
Reports about a search committee started coming out just as Ambolodto was earning praises for having steered the province and putting in place basic governance systems in post-Ampatuan Maguindanao. (The Ampatuans were implicated in the November 23 massacre of at least 58 persons, 32 of them media workers. Datu Unsay mayor Datu Andal Ampatuan, Jr., principal suspect in the massacre, is facing charges of multiple murder while the patriarch former OIC Maguindanao governor Datu Andal Ampatuan, Sr. and his son, ARMM Governor Datu Zaldy, were among those charged for rebellion).
A January 28 press statement posted on the website of the Department of Interior and Local Government quoted Local Governments Undersecretary Marius Corpus as saying the ARMM leadership has created a search committee for 27 nominees for Acting Maguindanao governor.
ARMM Executive Secretary Naguib Sinarimbo told MindaNews in a telephone interview Monday morning that most of the 27 “nominees” had actually applied for the post, that Ambolodto was not among the nominees “but she can apply or be nominated.”
Asked who nominated the 27, the Cotabato City-based Sinarimbo said “most of them applied” for the post. “There are many applicants for governor,” he said.
MindaNews has been asking for a copy of the list of 27 nominees and applicants since Monday but the ARMM has yet to release the list.
“Vacant” seat
On Tuesday afternoon, ARMM Bureau of Public Information chief Ali Macabalang, sent a news release quoting ARM M officials as saying “the issue at hand is not a matter of replacing Ambolodto but to fill up a vacancy in the office of the Maguindanao governor, which is still vacant.”
Macabalang said he met with local officials and was told that after the national government installed him as Acting ARMM Governor on December 14, Adiong had appointed Engr. Nasser Sinarimbo (elder brother of the ARMM Executive Secretary who now heads the ARMM Social Fund project) and Amboldto, an incumbent board member, as OIC- governor and OIC-vice governor, respectively to fill the top Maguindanao leadership vacancies.
Macabalang said Sinarimbo “refused to assume office to pursue his career service in the ARMM bureaucracy, prompting Local Governments Secretary Ronaldo Puno to install Ambolodto as OIC-vice governor on concurrent capacity as acting OIC-governor on Dec. 15.”
Macabalang wrote that “civil society groups including women’s sector and Church-backed NGOs have since shown satisfaction with the Ambolodto transitional governance” but “some interested resident leaders of Maguindanao have invoked to higher authorities and legal luminaries that the position of OIC-governor in Maguindanao is still vacant, hence, at least 27 of them have aspired for the slot, prompting acting ARMM Governor Adiong to create the search committee chaired by regional DILG Secretary Haroun Al-Rashid Lucman Jr. to screen them.”
Macabalang’s report quoted Adiong as saying everyone “is encouraged to apply or submit application (for the position).” Adiong according to the BPI chief, “anchors his administration on the operating principles of transparent, consultative and moral governance.”
The January 28 DILG press release did not name the 27 nominees but it added that among the requirements of the search committee is that “he or she should not be running for any elective position in the coming May elections; has the capacity to govern and ability to effect reforms in the province,” requirements that civil society groups said Ambolodto meets.
Ambolodto did not file her candidacy for any elective post “for personal reasons.”
“Most aptly chosen”
The Bangsamoro CSOs said Ambolodto “has proceeded to establish the basic foundations for the normal operations of the Maguindanao provincial government” and that she has immediately sat with the heads of provincial offices and convened anew the Sangguniang Panlalawigan. Ambolodto has also convened the Provincial Peace and Order Council and Provincial Development Council and has seen through the enactment of the 2010 Performance Budget.
The groups said Acting ARMM Governor Adiong has “most apply chosen who wi1l steward the province in these very trying times.”
They also added that the Ambolodto’s efforts “have also merited immediate response from national offices and international organizations.”
The groups said The Asia Foundation “has already sent an expert to provide Organizational Diagnostics for the Provincial Government of Maguindanao” and “will soon send another expert to assist us conduct a Fiscal Systems Review.”
The Commission on Audit, the groups said, “ has already commenced conducting a comprehensive audit of the fiscal administration of the provincial government” while the Civil Service Commission “will also conduct a personnel review coupled with personnel capacity enhancement initiatives.”
The resolution said Acting ARMM Governor Adiong “has chosen the most appropriate leader of our province” and that they appreciate Ambolodto’s three-fold mission.
“Transition governor”
Ambolodto, who considers herself as a “transition governor” set to do the following: normalize provincial government operations and services; support the conduct of a free and credible election; and facilitate the smooth transition and assumption of newly elected provincial officials.”
“The civil society anticipates intense partnership on all three arenas of engagement. We believe she will mobilize provincial government resources for the promotion of the public welfare,” the groups said in their resolution.
The groups said they were “appalled and gravely disturbed by the news account of a search committee to determine who would serve the remainder of the term until 30 June 2010.”
“We, individually and collectively, know for a fact that (Ambolodto) is not running for any public office We also have faith not only in her capacity to govern but as well as on her ability to effect reforms in the province. We need not look elsewhere but simply appreciate how she has conducted governance which slowly yet very consistently effecting reforms.”
Copies of the resolution were also sent to Secretary Puno, Undersecretary Marius Corpus, and Sinarimbo.
Earlier, Irene Santiago, executive director of the Mindanao Commission on Women, said changing Ambolodto would be “a cruel joke on the people!”
"At this time when people’s faith in government has been badly shaken, we need officials like Ina who have foremost in their minds the people’s welfare and not their own. That is precisely why the Mindanao Commission on Women is forming a task force called ‘Ina’s Circle’ to support Ina in her efforts to bring about effective governance in Maguindanao.”
Ambolodto is the keynote speaker in the Mindanao Women’s Congress dubbed Kamindanawan 2010 tomorrow (February 4) in Davao City.
Fatmawati Salapuddin, public relations coordinator of the Lupah Sug Bangsamoro Women said those who want to replace Ambolodto “do not want us to see an example of good governance in any part of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). That’s the only reason they want to replace (her) in Maguindanao because she is doing a good job serving the people there.”
Fr. Eliseo Mercado, Jr., executive director of the Institute for Autonomy and Governance in Cotabato City and former Notre Dame University president said it would be “a sad day when a traditional politician becomes an acting governor.”
"Ina is doing well and it will be great if she is allowed to normalize the province until a new one is elected,” he said. (Carolyn O. Arguillas/MindaNews)
Wednesday, 03 February 2010 11:05
DAVAO CITY (MindaNews/03 February) – At least 16 Bangsamoro civil society organizations and networks passed a resolution Tuesday calling on ARMM Acting Governor Ansaruddin Alonto Adiong to “retain and sustain” Bai Nariman “Ina” Abdullah Ambolodto “as vice governor concurrent acting governor of the province of Maguindanao.”
In a two-page resolution, leaders of the Bangsamoro CSOs who convened a caucus on February 2, said they “very humbly respectfully request” Adiong through Haroun Al-Rashid A Lucman, ARMM Secretary of Local Governments and head of the Search Committee that would select the person who will serve as Acting Maguindanao Governor until June 30, to “continue supporting the efforts of Ina Ambolodto of enabling the provincial government to respond to the various pressing needs of our people and communities; intensify and optimize ARMM regional government agency operations in cooperation with the provincial leadership of Ina Ambolodto to address the displacement of our people as a result of fighting and natural calamities, as well as our staggering poverty situation; and retain and sustain Ina as the Provincial Vice-Governor acting provincial Governor.”
The Bangsamoro CSOs, all of them serving Maguindanao – Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society; Bangsamoro Center for Just Peace; Muassasah Ahliya; Kadtuntaya Foundation, Inc.; United Youth of the Philippines-Women; Interfaith Cooperation Forum; Kangudan Development Center, Inc.; Alliance of Bangsamoro for Peace and Sustainable Development; Bangsamoro Youth Leaders Forum; Kadtabanga Foundation, Inc.; Al-lhsan Foundation; Mindanao Homeland Development, lnc.; 4. Moro Integrated Community Development, Inc.; Moro Women Development and Cultural Center, Inc.; Mindanao Human Rights Resource and Action Center – said Ambolodto has been “doing justice and according pride to the trust and confidence bestowed by the Honorable Regional Governor, faithful to the tradition of transparent and accountable governance.”
Ambolodto was sworn in as OIC Vice Governor on December 15. But Local Governments Secretary Ronaldo Puno also named her concurrent Acting Governor. December 15 was exactly ten days since then OIC Maguindanao Governor Datu Andal Ampatuan, Sr., was arrested.
Many applicants… but where’s the list?
Reports about a search committee started coming out just as Ambolodto was earning praises for having steered the province and putting in place basic governance systems in post-Ampatuan Maguindanao. (The Ampatuans were implicated in the November 23 massacre of at least 58 persons, 32 of them media workers. Datu Unsay mayor Datu Andal Ampatuan, Jr., principal suspect in the massacre, is facing charges of multiple murder while the patriarch former OIC Maguindanao governor Datu Andal Ampatuan, Sr. and his son, ARMM Governor Datu Zaldy, were among those charged for rebellion).
A January 28 press statement posted on the website of the Department of Interior and Local Government quoted Local Governments Undersecretary Marius Corpus as saying the ARMM leadership has created a search committee for 27 nominees for Acting Maguindanao governor.
ARMM Executive Secretary Naguib Sinarimbo told MindaNews in a telephone interview Monday morning that most of the 27 “nominees” had actually applied for the post, that Ambolodto was not among the nominees “but she can apply or be nominated.”
Asked who nominated the 27, the Cotabato City-based Sinarimbo said “most of them applied” for the post. “There are many applicants for governor,” he said.
MindaNews has been asking for a copy of the list of 27 nominees and applicants since Monday but the ARMM has yet to release the list.
“Vacant” seat
On Tuesday afternoon, ARMM Bureau of Public Information chief Ali Macabalang, sent a news release quoting ARM M officials as saying “the issue at hand is not a matter of replacing Ambolodto but to fill up a vacancy in the office of the Maguindanao governor, which is still vacant.”
Macabalang said he met with local officials and was told that after the national government installed him as Acting ARMM Governor on December 14, Adiong had appointed Engr. Nasser Sinarimbo (elder brother of the ARMM Executive Secretary who now heads the ARMM Social Fund project) and Amboldto, an incumbent board member, as OIC- governor and OIC-vice governor, respectively to fill the top Maguindanao leadership vacancies.
Macabalang said Sinarimbo “refused to assume office to pursue his career service in the ARMM bureaucracy, prompting Local Governments Secretary Ronaldo Puno to install Ambolodto as OIC-vice governor on concurrent capacity as acting OIC-governor on Dec. 15.”
Macabalang wrote that “civil society groups including women’s sector and Church-backed NGOs have since shown satisfaction with the Ambolodto transitional governance” but “some interested resident leaders of Maguindanao have invoked to higher authorities and legal luminaries that the position of OIC-governor in Maguindanao is still vacant, hence, at least 27 of them have aspired for the slot, prompting acting ARMM Governor Adiong to create the search committee chaired by regional DILG Secretary Haroun Al-Rashid Lucman Jr. to screen them.”
Macabalang’s report quoted Adiong as saying everyone “is encouraged to apply or submit application (for the position).” Adiong according to the BPI chief, “anchors his administration on the operating principles of transparent, consultative and moral governance.”
The January 28 DILG press release did not name the 27 nominees but it added that among the requirements of the search committee is that “he or she should not be running for any elective position in the coming May elections; has the capacity to govern and ability to effect reforms in the province,” requirements that civil society groups said Ambolodto meets.
Ambolodto did not file her candidacy for any elective post “for personal reasons.”
“Most aptly chosen”
The Bangsamoro CSOs said Ambolodto “has proceeded to establish the basic foundations for the normal operations of the Maguindanao provincial government” and that she has immediately sat with the heads of provincial offices and convened anew the Sangguniang Panlalawigan. Ambolodto has also convened the Provincial Peace and Order Council and Provincial Development Council and has seen through the enactment of the 2010 Performance Budget.
The groups said Acting ARMM Governor Adiong has “most apply chosen who wi1l steward the province in these very trying times.”
They also added that the Ambolodto’s efforts “have also merited immediate response from national offices and international organizations.”
The groups said The Asia Foundation “has already sent an expert to provide Organizational Diagnostics for the Provincial Government of Maguindanao” and “will soon send another expert to assist us conduct a Fiscal Systems Review.”
The Commission on Audit, the groups said, “ has already commenced conducting a comprehensive audit of the fiscal administration of the provincial government” while the Civil Service Commission “will also conduct a personnel review coupled with personnel capacity enhancement initiatives.”
The resolution said Acting ARMM Governor Adiong “has chosen the most appropriate leader of our province” and that they appreciate Ambolodto’s three-fold mission.
“Transition governor”
Ambolodto, who considers herself as a “transition governor” set to do the following: normalize provincial government operations and services; support the conduct of a free and credible election; and facilitate the smooth transition and assumption of newly elected provincial officials.”
“The civil society anticipates intense partnership on all three arenas of engagement. We believe she will mobilize provincial government resources for the promotion of the public welfare,” the groups said in their resolution.
The groups said they were “appalled and gravely disturbed by the news account of a search committee to determine who would serve the remainder of the term until 30 June 2010.”
“We, individually and collectively, know for a fact that (Ambolodto) is not running for any public office We also have faith not only in her capacity to govern but as well as on her ability to effect reforms in the province. We need not look elsewhere but simply appreciate how she has conducted governance which slowly yet very consistently effecting reforms.”
Copies of the resolution were also sent to Secretary Puno, Undersecretary Marius Corpus, and Sinarimbo.
Earlier, Irene Santiago, executive director of the Mindanao Commission on Women, said changing Ambolodto would be “a cruel joke on the people!”
"At this time when people’s faith in government has been badly shaken, we need officials like Ina who have foremost in their minds the people’s welfare and not their own. That is precisely why the Mindanao Commission on Women is forming a task force called ‘Ina’s Circle’ to support Ina in her efforts to bring about effective governance in Maguindanao.”
Ambolodto is the keynote speaker in the Mindanao Women’s Congress dubbed Kamindanawan 2010 tomorrow (February 4) in Davao City.
Fatmawati Salapuddin, public relations coordinator of the Lupah Sug Bangsamoro Women said those who want to replace Ambolodto “do not want us to see an example of good governance in any part of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). That’s the only reason they want to replace (her) in Maguindanao because she is doing a good job serving the people there.”
Fr. Eliseo Mercado, Jr., executive director of the Institute for Autonomy and Governance in Cotabato City and former Notre Dame University president said it would be “a sad day when a traditional politician becomes an acting governor.”
"Ina is doing well and it will be great if she is allowed to normalize the province until a new one is elected,” he said. (Carolyn O. Arguillas/MindaNews)
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