Written by Mike G. Kulat
Monday, 20 December 2010 06:29
We, the undersigned Civil Society Organizations and Community leaders of Moro-Indigenous Peoples gathered at Simuay, Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao, hereby declare and manifest our STRONG OPPOSITION TO THE CONSTRUCTION OF PULANGI DAM V because it will destroy our much-valued ancestral domain and heritage from our ancestors that are the foundations of our unique identity since time immemorial.
That we hereby declare this opposition to the construction of the Pulangi Mega Dam V on the following grounds, to wit:
1. That construction of the Pulangi Dam V will submerge 22 barangays and communities of the Moro-Indigenous Peoples located upstream of the proposed site of the dam;
2. That eventually the Burial site of Apu Mamalu with all other burial grounds, the sacred places, hunting grounds, and heritage sites of both our ancestors and contemporary generations will be inundated by the Pulangi Dam V, thereby forever erasing our identity as indigenous and cultural communities;
3. That the Pulangi Dam V construction will lead to the physical, economic, political and cultural displacement of all the Moro-Indigenous Peoples who are residents of the barangays and villages both upstream and downstream of the dam site;
4. Thus, Pulangi Dam V will engrave and eventually end the history of harmonious relationships, peaceful co-existence and blood-brotherhood of the Menuvo and Maguindanaon tribes as both indigenous along the Pulangi stretch for so long a time in the past.
5. That on the downstream of the proposed Pulangi Dam V, the lives and living condition of around 1,094,170 Moro, Indigenous Peoples and Settlers (*2000 Census) living in 27 municipalities in the provinces of Sultan Kudarat, North Cotabato, Maguindanao and the city of Cotabato will be adversely affected;
6. That the Ligawasan Marsh, notwithstanding that it was declared as a “Game Refuge and Birds Sanctuary” since 1941 and as part of National Integrated Protected Areas System (NIPAS) under RA#7586, is also a repository of Moro culture and heritage;
7. That the construction of the Pulangi Dam V will eventually destroy the Pulangi River which is the only tributary supplying water to the Ligawasan Marsh;
8. That ruining the flow of the Pulangi River will endanger the Ligawasan Marsh of being drained thereby its significant heritage as well as economic value to the Maguindanaon tribes will be lost forever;
9. And finally, the construction of the Pulangi Dam V, when pushed through, is a blatant violation of the rights of the Moro and Indigenous Peoples affected as inscribed in both domestic and international laws such as but not limited to basic human rights laws, Bill of Rights of the Philippine Constitution, RA#7586, RA#8371 (IPRA Law), UNDRIP Declarations and other instruments.
Now, let it be declared further, this day henceforth as the start of the symbolic revival of UNITY, BROTHERHOOD AND COOPERATION between Moro and Indigenous Peoples to relentlessly pursue all available legal and peaceful means to oppose the construction of Pulangi Dam V and other form of development aggression within our ancestral domain.
That in pursuit of our desire to protect our identity, culture and ancestral domain, we are cognizant of the important role of “support groups” as we welcome others both within and without who sympathize with our plight as cultural minorities.
Signed this 30th day of August 2010 at Crossing Simuay, Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao province in the Island of Mindanao, South of the Philippines.
Signed
DATU WILMAR ‘Bobong’ AMPUAN
Chairperson,NATABUK Federation Inc.
DUMA MASCUD, AL-HAJ
Chairman CBCS – Kutawato Regional
Management Committee
Sunday, December 19, 2010
Wednesday, December 15, 2010
STORIES OF PEACEBUILDING
PEACEBUILDING: Its Contextual Application Base on Experiences
[This program is undertaken under the Peacebuilding and Development Program of the Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society headed by Mike G. Kulat as Project Coordinator]
I – Background:
The Mindanao land had been marred by war and armed conflict since the arrival of the Spaniards, Japanese and American invaders and colonial forces starting in 1521 as well as the succeeding administrations under the Philippine Government.
Pages of history books are not sufficient in the transcriptions of long sufferings and agonies of its people who were directly affected by this wars and conflicts.
In contemporary eras, during the ILAGA turmoil in the late 60s, followed by the Martial Law disarray, both governmental and non-governmental records varies from one hundred sixty thousand (160, 000) to two hundred forty thousand (240, 000) lives were either lost or died, maimed and or missing as a consequence of armed confrontations, massacres, tortures and summary killings. Moreover, there was no record of exact figure of displacements; however we can safely conclude that 90% of the Native Inhabitants of Mindanao had a taste of abandoning their homelands including some Settlers in the epicenters and immediate peripheries of war areas.
These conflicts dragged on to wars between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in 1973 that lasted until late 1976 when the MNLF signed the Tripoli Agreement that lead to the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement after twenty years (September 2, 1996).
The struggle of the Bangsamoro for freedom and right to self-determination was continued on by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) that sow wider armed confrontations and more serious impacts on the lives of the civilians. Notable among these wars were the 1997 MALMAR war, the 2000 all-Out War of ERAP administration that displaced more than 740,000 individuals and the 2003 “Buliok War or All-Out Military Offensive’ of the Arroyo Administration that displaced more than 203,000 civilians and the death of one hundred seventeen (117) mostly children, women and elders in different evacuation centers. The account of deaths of non-combatants in evacuation center had been recorded coming from the municipalities of Pikit, North Cotabato and Pagalungan and Datu Montawal in Maguindanao province, excluding those in Lanao and Zamboanga del Sur provinces where the war escalated.
In all of the above miseries, notwithstanding unaccounted damages to billions and billions of properties every time war erupts. More importantly, these wars happened despite of the 1996 GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement and the emplacement of the Agreement on General Cessation of Hostilities signed between the GRP and MILF Representatives on July 18, 1997 at Cagayan de Oro City.
As a result of these unending wars, countless efforts on the ground had been initiated by both governmental and non-governmental agencies, international, national and local entities in order to appease the sad plight of the civilians. They endeavored in terms of peace and development programs in conflict-affected areas.
These gave birth to the flooding of peace and development theories, frameworks and strategies mostly patterned from outside settings and from different parts of the world and or designed by people outside of conflict-affected areas of Mindanao. More often, as a consequence, it did not cater to the needs and problem of the people rather add confusion to the already messy situation. Of course, we admit that different endeavors had their short term impact; nevertheless, it brings about demobilization and reintegration of communities’ own systems rather than strengthening and harnessing values, cultures and indigenous systems of the affected communities.
The efforts, social and physical assistance, peace and developmental works usually had been confined at the war epicenters. Unknown to the many is the continuing sufferings of great numbers of IDPs out side of war epicenters or as peripheral effects of war. This was the situation in the remote villages or communities in the boundaries of North Cotabato and Bukidnon provinces. That aside from being neglected of social and physical reconstruction, they are sustaining every big wars between Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces (BIAF) into tribal or ethnic conflicts especially between the Maguindanaon and the Menuvo tribes in the area.
It is at this juncture, the Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS) ventured to start a Peacebuilding program that the communities could proudly call their own. It is a daring step but other says, “there is no harm in trying.”
[First of a Series]
[This program is undertaken under the Peacebuilding and Development Program of the Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society headed by Mike G. Kulat as Project Coordinator]
I – Background:
The Mindanao land had been marred by war and armed conflict since the arrival of the Spaniards, Japanese and American invaders and colonial forces starting in 1521 as well as the succeeding administrations under the Philippine Government.
Pages of history books are not sufficient in the transcriptions of long sufferings and agonies of its people who were directly affected by this wars and conflicts.
In contemporary eras, during the ILAGA turmoil in the late 60s, followed by the Martial Law disarray, both governmental and non-governmental records varies from one hundred sixty thousand (160, 000) to two hundred forty thousand (240, 000) lives were either lost or died, maimed and or missing as a consequence of armed confrontations, massacres, tortures and summary killings. Moreover, there was no record of exact figure of displacements; however we can safely conclude that 90% of the Native Inhabitants of Mindanao had a taste of abandoning their homelands including some Settlers in the epicenters and immediate peripheries of war areas.
These conflicts dragged on to wars between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in 1973 that lasted until late 1976 when the MNLF signed the Tripoli Agreement that lead to the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement after twenty years (September 2, 1996).
The struggle of the Bangsamoro for freedom and right to self-determination was continued on by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) that sow wider armed confrontations and more serious impacts on the lives of the civilians. Notable among these wars were the 1997 MALMAR war, the 2000 all-Out War of ERAP administration that displaced more than 740,000 individuals and the 2003 “Buliok War or All-Out Military Offensive’ of the Arroyo Administration that displaced more than 203,000 civilians and the death of one hundred seventeen (117) mostly children, women and elders in different evacuation centers. The account of deaths of non-combatants in evacuation center had been recorded coming from the municipalities of Pikit, North Cotabato and Pagalungan and Datu Montawal in Maguindanao province, excluding those in Lanao and Zamboanga del Sur provinces where the war escalated.
In all of the above miseries, notwithstanding unaccounted damages to billions and billions of properties every time war erupts. More importantly, these wars happened despite of the 1996 GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement and the emplacement of the Agreement on General Cessation of Hostilities signed between the GRP and MILF Representatives on July 18, 1997 at Cagayan de Oro City.
As a result of these unending wars, countless efforts on the ground had been initiated by both governmental and non-governmental agencies, international, national and local entities in order to appease the sad plight of the civilians. They endeavored in terms of peace and development programs in conflict-affected areas.
These gave birth to the flooding of peace and development theories, frameworks and strategies mostly patterned from outside settings and from different parts of the world and or designed by people outside of conflict-affected areas of Mindanao. More often, as a consequence, it did not cater to the needs and problem of the people rather add confusion to the already messy situation. Of course, we admit that different endeavors had their short term impact; nevertheless, it brings about demobilization and reintegration of communities’ own systems rather than strengthening and harnessing values, cultures and indigenous systems of the affected communities.
The efforts, social and physical assistance, peace and developmental works usually had been confined at the war epicenters. Unknown to the many is the continuing sufferings of great numbers of IDPs out side of war epicenters or as peripheral effects of war. This was the situation in the remote villages or communities in the boundaries of North Cotabato and Bukidnon provinces. That aside from being neglected of social and physical reconstruction, they are sustaining every big wars between Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces (BIAF) into tribal or ethnic conflicts especially between the Maguindanaon and the Menuvo tribes in the area.
It is at this juncture, the Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS) ventured to start a Peacebuilding program that the communities could proudly call their own. It is a daring step but other says, “there is no harm in trying.”
[First of a Series]
Sunday, December 12, 2010
TEDURAY-LAMBANGIAN POSITION PAPER ON GRP-MILF PEACE TALKS
POSITION PAPER, AGENDA AND DEMANDS OF THE NON-ISLAMIZED INDOGENOUS PEOPLES (LUMAD) OF ARMM AND PORTIONS OF SULTAN KUDARAT PROVINCE ON THE GRP – MILF NEGOTIATIONS
[Editor’s note: This position paper in support to the GRP-MILF Peace Talks was formulated and signed by fifty one Officers and Council of Elders of the Organization of Teduray, Lambangian and Dulangen-Manubo Conference (OTLAC) and was conferred and affirmed by around two thousand tribal members in a general assembly held for the purpose at the Municipal Gymnasium of the Municipality of Upi, Maguindanao on November 19, 2010]
We, the Non-Islamized Indigenous Peoples (LUMAD) of Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and portion of Sultan Kudarat Province have convened our selves to formulate a Position Paper, Agenda and Demands relative to the forthcoming GRP-MILF Peace Negotiations on Bangsamoro Homeland and Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE) under the new administration of the Republic of the Philippines; His Excellency President Benigno Semion Cojuangco Aquino III;
That as indigenous inhabitants of ARMM and Sultan Kudarat Province, the issue on Bangsamoro Homeland and Bangsamoro Juridical Entity clearly and adversely affect our distinct historic rights to ancestral domains/lands and territories;
That as indigenous peoples’ whose rights to ancestral territory and culture have been recognized, promoted and protected by the 1987 constitution, existing national statutes enacted by congress and international instruments, we strongly feel that our position will facilitate the resolution of the long decade Mindanao problems with the resumption of the GRP-MILF peace talks;
And now, the new Administration of the Republic of the Philippines under the leadership of His Excellency President Benigno Semion Cojuangco Aquino III opens the portal to winning lasting peace in Mindanao through peace negotiations. He reiterated that the peace process is for the people and should be by all Filipinos. He enjoins every Filipinos, the general citizenry, the private sectors, the Lumads, the Moro and all stakeholders to be actively involved in the peace process. The Filipinos have long been shacked not only by violence, but also by the insecurity, cynicism and paralysis that arises from violence, he added.
On this basis, we the Non-Islamized Indigenous Peoples (LUMAD) of ARMM and portion of Sultan Kudarat Province have agreed among ourselves to present the following as our consistent positions, agenda and demands on the GRP-MILF peace negotiations on Bangsamoro Homeland and Bangsamoro Juridical Entity. Our stand therefore on the issue of ancestral domains, resources, territory and governance stated as follows:
A. Affirm and recognize traditional peace agreements between Apu Mamalu and Apu Tabunaway executed through the traditional PEACE PACT known as Tampuda hu Balagen, Safa, Pakang, Diyandi and other cultural processes (estimated by many scholars that took place between 1450 – 1475A.D). This incident led to the historical separations of the two brothers and their followers and then sealed with SAFA (PACT) with conditions summarized as follows: 1. Respect and recognition of one’s Territory, Systems of Self-Governance and Justice Systems; 2. The continuing and non-Limit Circulation of the means and livelihood and the sawit System or gift among communities; 3. Respect and recognition of ones customs, tradition and culture; 4. Unity against common enemy and 5. Lifetime treatment as brothers and sisters including the generations to come.
1. On Ancestral Domains
For the moment, the Tribes had laid claims to our ancestral domains covering the estimated land area of 289,268 Hectares comprising the municipalities of Upi, South Upi, Ampatuan, Shariff Aguak, Datu Unsay, Datu Saudi, Guindulongan, Talayan, Datu Odin and Datu Blah of the province of Maguindanao and portion of Esperanza, Lebak, Bagumbayan, Senator Ninoy Aquino, Kalamansig and Palimbang of Sultan Kudarat province and portions of Cotabato City (PC-HILL- Pedro Camfilo Kolina down to Datar Selongon – ORC now Daubab – Esteros and Tamuntaka now). Note: Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA Law) RA#8371 of 1997 is not yet implemented in ARMM.
2. On the Political Territory
Consistent with our principle of peaceful co-existence, we recognize and support a broader territory for the Bangsa Moro shall recognized the Teduray, Lambangian and Dulangan Manubo territory within the Bangsa Moro Nation. It is also the desire of the tribes stated above to be at liberty to practice and promote our cultural identity by way of actual implementation of tribal and customary laws through the commonly accepted Tribal Governance.
3. On the Resources
The rights of the Teduray, Lambangian and Dulangan Manubo Tribes in matters of the exploration, exploitation and Use of natural resources that maybe found within our ancestral domains shall be upheld and respected for the purpose of ensuring ecological, environment protection and the conservation measures pursuant to national and customary laws. The tribes shall have priority rights in the utilization and management of all numeral resources to include strategic minerals and forestry resources.
4. On Governance
As earlier stated, the Tribes shall conform to any type or form of governance that maybe agreed upon and mutually adopted, hence its is also the desire of the Tribes to have equal opportunities and representation in all levels of governance from local to the regional level, side by side with our Muslim brothers and sisters. Provided, that in the territory identified by the Tribes their rights to rule and govern must be pursued, implemented, recognized and respected vis-à-vis their Bangsa Moro Nation. In the case of Federal System, our Tribal Based Self-Governance shall converge with other Tribal Based Self-Governance outside ARMM to form a single state.
5. Independent Indigenous Peoples’ Peace Panel – ARMM (IPPA)
Both GRP and MILF must recognize and provide technical and financial support for the creation of Independent Indigenous Peoples’ Peace Negotiating Panel as legitimate body to represent the major issues and concerns of the Indigenous Peoples/Indigenous Cultural Communities. This si a local mechanism who has the authority to talk to both parties (GRP-MILF) with regards to the above mentioned position, agenda and demands.
B. Establish effective mechanism to promote and protect the historic rights of the Indigenous Peoples/Indigenous Cultural Communities based on Native Titles through the execution of Memorandum of Agreements/Treaties with Indigenous Peoples/Indigenous Cultural Communities.
Therefore, based on the above positions, agenda and demands, we hereby agree to support the peace talks between GRP and MILF and we call on both parties to give due attention and consideration to the above positions and demands to ensure that our distinct rights are recognized and respected.
CONCLUSION
We fully recognize and respect the existence of our Maguindanao brothers and sisters in their owned identified territory and those that are lawfully resettled in our own communities. On this basis, WE AFFIRM our strong commitment to the Apu Mamalu and Apu Tabunaway PEACE PACT and formulate guidelines on setting modern conflicts between the Non-Islamized Indigenous Peoples (Lumad) in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and in the portion of Sultan Kudarat Province not only in our areas cluster but throughout Mindanao. Our position paper, agenda and demands is an expression of our serious support to the forthcoming peace negotiations of the GRP and MILF until its conclusion. This position is an expression of our active participation on the ground level to be considered in the process of the negotiation.
And above all, WE PRAY that any political decisions for political change the application of the statutes must not above and beyond human beings. Any use of the laws should not divorce from its social context.
[Editor’s note: This position paper in support to the GRP-MILF Peace Talks was formulated and signed by fifty one Officers and Council of Elders of the Organization of Teduray, Lambangian and Dulangen-Manubo Conference (OTLAC) and was conferred and affirmed by around two thousand tribal members in a general assembly held for the purpose at the Municipal Gymnasium of the Municipality of Upi, Maguindanao on November 19, 2010]
We, the Non-Islamized Indigenous Peoples (LUMAD) of Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and portion of Sultan Kudarat Province have convened our selves to formulate a Position Paper, Agenda and Demands relative to the forthcoming GRP-MILF Peace Negotiations on Bangsamoro Homeland and Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE) under the new administration of the Republic of the Philippines; His Excellency President Benigno Semion Cojuangco Aquino III;
That as indigenous inhabitants of ARMM and Sultan Kudarat Province, the issue on Bangsamoro Homeland and Bangsamoro Juridical Entity clearly and adversely affect our distinct historic rights to ancestral domains/lands and territories;
That as indigenous peoples’ whose rights to ancestral territory and culture have been recognized, promoted and protected by the 1987 constitution, existing national statutes enacted by congress and international instruments, we strongly feel that our position will facilitate the resolution of the long decade Mindanao problems with the resumption of the GRP-MILF peace talks;
And now, the new Administration of the Republic of the Philippines under the leadership of His Excellency President Benigno Semion Cojuangco Aquino III opens the portal to winning lasting peace in Mindanao through peace negotiations. He reiterated that the peace process is for the people and should be by all Filipinos. He enjoins every Filipinos, the general citizenry, the private sectors, the Lumads, the Moro and all stakeholders to be actively involved in the peace process. The Filipinos have long been shacked not only by violence, but also by the insecurity, cynicism and paralysis that arises from violence, he added.
On this basis, we the Non-Islamized Indigenous Peoples (LUMAD) of ARMM and portion of Sultan Kudarat Province have agreed among ourselves to present the following as our consistent positions, agenda and demands on the GRP-MILF peace negotiations on Bangsamoro Homeland and Bangsamoro Juridical Entity. Our stand therefore on the issue of ancestral domains, resources, territory and governance stated as follows:
A. Affirm and recognize traditional peace agreements between Apu Mamalu and Apu Tabunaway executed through the traditional PEACE PACT known as Tampuda hu Balagen, Safa, Pakang, Diyandi and other cultural processes (estimated by many scholars that took place between 1450 – 1475A.D). This incident led to the historical separations of the two brothers and their followers and then sealed with SAFA (PACT) with conditions summarized as follows: 1. Respect and recognition of one’s Territory, Systems of Self-Governance and Justice Systems; 2. The continuing and non-Limit Circulation of the means and livelihood and the sawit System or gift among communities; 3. Respect and recognition of ones customs, tradition and culture; 4. Unity against common enemy and 5. Lifetime treatment as brothers and sisters including the generations to come.
1. On Ancestral Domains
For the moment, the Tribes had laid claims to our ancestral domains covering the estimated land area of 289,268 Hectares comprising the municipalities of Upi, South Upi, Ampatuan, Shariff Aguak, Datu Unsay, Datu Saudi, Guindulongan, Talayan, Datu Odin and Datu Blah of the province of Maguindanao and portion of Esperanza, Lebak, Bagumbayan, Senator Ninoy Aquino, Kalamansig and Palimbang of Sultan Kudarat province and portions of Cotabato City (PC-HILL- Pedro Camfilo Kolina down to Datar Selongon – ORC now Daubab – Esteros and Tamuntaka now). Note: Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA Law) RA#8371 of 1997 is not yet implemented in ARMM.
2. On the Political Territory
Consistent with our principle of peaceful co-existence, we recognize and support a broader territory for the Bangsa Moro shall recognized the Teduray, Lambangian and Dulangan Manubo territory within the Bangsa Moro Nation. It is also the desire of the tribes stated above to be at liberty to practice and promote our cultural identity by way of actual implementation of tribal and customary laws through the commonly accepted Tribal Governance.
3. On the Resources
The rights of the Teduray, Lambangian and Dulangan Manubo Tribes in matters of the exploration, exploitation and Use of natural resources that maybe found within our ancestral domains shall be upheld and respected for the purpose of ensuring ecological, environment protection and the conservation measures pursuant to national and customary laws. The tribes shall have priority rights in the utilization and management of all numeral resources to include strategic minerals and forestry resources.
4. On Governance
As earlier stated, the Tribes shall conform to any type or form of governance that maybe agreed upon and mutually adopted, hence its is also the desire of the Tribes to have equal opportunities and representation in all levels of governance from local to the regional level, side by side with our Muslim brothers and sisters. Provided, that in the territory identified by the Tribes their rights to rule and govern must be pursued, implemented, recognized and respected vis-à-vis their Bangsa Moro Nation. In the case of Federal System, our Tribal Based Self-Governance shall converge with other Tribal Based Self-Governance outside ARMM to form a single state.
5. Independent Indigenous Peoples’ Peace Panel – ARMM (IPPA)
Both GRP and MILF must recognize and provide technical and financial support for the creation of Independent Indigenous Peoples’ Peace Negotiating Panel as legitimate body to represent the major issues and concerns of the Indigenous Peoples/Indigenous Cultural Communities. This si a local mechanism who has the authority to talk to both parties (GRP-MILF) with regards to the above mentioned position, agenda and demands.
B. Establish effective mechanism to promote and protect the historic rights of the Indigenous Peoples/Indigenous Cultural Communities based on Native Titles through the execution of Memorandum of Agreements/Treaties with Indigenous Peoples/Indigenous Cultural Communities.
Therefore, based on the above positions, agenda and demands, we hereby agree to support the peace talks between GRP and MILF and we call on both parties to give due attention and consideration to the above positions and demands to ensure that our distinct rights are recognized and respected.
CONCLUSION
We fully recognize and respect the existence of our Maguindanao brothers and sisters in their owned identified territory and those that are lawfully resettled in our own communities. On this basis, WE AFFIRM our strong commitment to the Apu Mamalu and Apu Tabunaway PEACE PACT and formulate guidelines on setting modern conflicts between the Non-Islamized Indigenous Peoples (Lumad) in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and in the portion of Sultan Kudarat Province not only in our areas cluster but throughout Mindanao. Our position paper, agenda and demands is an expression of our serious support to the forthcoming peace negotiations of the GRP and MILF until its conclusion. This position is an expression of our active participation on the ground level to be considered in the process of the negotiation.
And above all, WE PRAY that any political decisions for political change the application of the statutes must not above and beyond human beings. Any use of the laws should not divorce from its social context.
Thursday, December 9, 2010
BISDAK BIKERS TOURED VISAYAS-MINDANAO FOR PEACE
Fifty seven members of BISDAK Bikers for Peace from Bohol in Visayas Island just completed their tour to different areas of Mindanao with a theme: “Ride for Peace and Solidarity for Mindanao”. which started on November 28 and ended on December 6, 2010. BISDAK is an acronym for Bisayang Dako alang sa Kalinaw – an organization of Boholano Bikers who endeavored to extend their share of building peace as well as build bridge of understanding between the people of Visayas and Mindanao.
The Bikers traversed the route from Bohol, Agusan del Norte, Agusan del Sur, Compostela Valley, Davao del Norte, Bukidnon, Cotabato province, Cotabato City, Maguidanaop, Davao del Sur Davao City and back to Bohol. During their travel there are selected areas where they were hosted by different groups where brief forum for peace was undertaken for the orientation of the objectives of their tour as well as their intent to be in solidarity for a quest for peace of the people of Mindanao. This is their own contribution too to a week long celebration of the “Mindanao Week of Peace” which is being commemorated by peace advocates in Mindanao every year. The endeavor was initiated by Initiatives for International Dialogue (IID) under its “Right to Self-Determination Program” headed by Jude Cabusao as Program Officer.
On December 4, the Bikers was invited and hosted by the Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS) in Cotabato City where they were briefed by its Secretary General in the person of Sammy Maulana on the Mindanao situation especially on the context of Bangsamoro and the peace process followed by interactive discussions where substantial issues related to the negotiation and the urgency of needs of the people of Mindanao to resolve the centuries old Bangsamoro Quest for Self-Determination that crafted the Bikers’ “Manifesto for Peace”.
Peace Manifesto
We All Must Contribute to Building Peace
Peace begins in each of us. Start with a sincere discernment as to what we truly value that will create goodwill and understanding. Carry on by making concrete efforts that will help promote meaningful solidarity within, among and between diverse communities. Continue by solving the causes of enmity between individuals and among the people.
We bike for peace because we believe that we can do something for peace. Every sweat we shed, the pain we endure, the cold and rain and searing heat that freeze and burn our skin serve to remind us of the pain and sadness that continue to plague the peoples of Mindanao.
Love. Respect. Understanding. Solidarity. Learn from the past. Justice. These are our individual messages to the peoples of Mindanao.
Jobs and livelihood for all people. End discrimination. Continue the peace process and achieve a peaceful settlement of the armed conflict not only in Mindanao but also in the whole country. These are our messages to the Government of the Republic of the Philippines, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the National Democratic Front
Tuesday, November 16, 2010
MASS RALLY FOR JUSTICE AND PEACE CONDUCTED
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28 DAYS TO GO
28 DAYS TO GO
Written by admin
Saturday, 13 November 2010 06:58
While the impasse between the Government of Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) is currently centered on the issues of "comfort levels", "proper" channels, facilitator and facilitation architecture, there is a possibility that this negotiation deadlock, if prolonged,will soon affect the situation on the ground and once this happens, the situation on the ground (not the comfort levels of negotiators ) will determine the tempo and direction of the political negotiations. From experience, once the situation on the ground unravels and hostilities begin, political negotiations will have to take a back seat.
One of the stabilizing factors that has kept the "peace" despite the lack of significant movement in the political negotiations between the GPH and the MILF is the presence of a multinational International Monitoring Team (IMT) in Mindanao. At present, the IMT, which was deployed on February 28 this year, is composed of "39 members, 20 from Malaysia, 15 from Brunei, three from Libya and one from Japan who is focusing on development aspects."
Thus, in IMT records only 3 armed skirmishes between AFP and MILF in 2010, MindaNews reports that:
"The Malaysian-led International Monitoring Team (IMT) has recorded only three armed skirmishes between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) from January to October this year, a significant drop from 110 for the same period in 2009.
A total of 116 armed skirmishes were recorded from January to December 2009, and 222 from March to December 2008. In 2008, the highest recorded incidence was 77 in August, the month the Supreme Court issued a temporary restraining order barring the government peace panel from signing on August 5 that year, the already initialed Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD)."
Clearly, the IMT has served both as a deterrent to hostilities and a symbol that the peace process is alive and remains to be a viable alternative to war. In fact, for most people in the conflict-affected area and even to the foot soldiers of the GPH and the MILF, the IMT is the most visible face of the peace process. The IMT as a symbol contributes an "intangible" - a sense that things are moving and that war is not imminent.
If the impasse between the GPH and the MILF continues and no new agreement on the IMT happens, the IMT will have to go and leave Mindanao by December 8, 2010. Yes, the red date is December 8, 2010. Based on the Terms of Reference of the International Monitoring Team dated December 9, 2009, the term of the mandate of the IMT is only for 12 months:
"8. DURATION - The term of the mandate of the IMT shall be 12 months except Civilian Protection Component (CPC) which shall remain in place and continue to perform its function should the IMT cease to operate. Extension of the term of the mandate may be considered on a year-to-year basis upon the request by both GRP and MILF."
In order for the IMT to continue fulfilling its duties of monitoring the interim agreements on ceasefire, humanitarian, development and rehabilitation aspects, its mandate must be renewed by the parties. If no new agreement on the term of the IMT happens before December 8, 2010 then the IMT has to leave. Once the IMT leaves, what remains will be the Civilian Protection Component which is composed of the Brussels-based Nonviolent Peaceforce, MinHRAC, Mindanao Peoples Caucus and MOGOP.
(Thw Author - Atty Bong Montessa served in the GRP-MILF Peace Talks in various capacities.Today is November 10. 28 days to go to.[ Also published at: http://bongmontesa.wordpress.com] and [kusogmindanaw] 28 days to go [Wednesday, November 10, 2010 9:54 AM – Today is November 13. 28 days to go MEANS – 25 DAYS LEFT….)
Written by admin
Saturday, 13 November 2010 06:58
While the impasse between the Government of Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) is currently centered on the issues of "comfort levels", "proper" channels, facilitator and facilitation architecture, there is a possibility that this negotiation deadlock, if prolonged,will soon affect the situation on the ground and once this happens, the situation on the ground (not the comfort levels of negotiators ) will determine the tempo and direction of the political negotiations. From experience, once the situation on the ground unravels and hostilities begin, political negotiations will have to take a back seat.
One of the stabilizing factors that has kept the "peace" despite the lack of significant movement in the political negotiations between the GPH and the MILF is the presence of a multinational International Monitoring Team (IMT) in Mindanao. At present, the IMT, which was deployed on February 28 this year, is composed of "39 members, 20 from Malaysia, 15 from Brunei, three from Libya and one from Japan who is focusing on development aspects."
Thus, in IMT records only 3 armed skirmishes between AFP and MILF in 2010, MindaNews reports that:
"The Malaysian-led International Monitoring Team (IMT) has recorded only three armed skirmishes between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) from January to October this year, a significant drop from 110 for the same period in 2009.
A total of 116 armed skirmishes were recorded from January to December 2009, and 222 from March to December 2008. In 2008, the highest recorded incidence was 77 in August, the month the Supreme Court issued a temporary restraining order barring the government peace panel from signing on August 5 that year, the already initialed Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD)."
Clearly, the IMT has served both as a deterrent to hostilities and a symbol that the peace process is alive and remains to be a viable alternative to war. In fact, for most people in the conflict-affected area and even to the foot soldiers of the GPH and the MILF, the IMT is the most visible face of the peace process. The IMT as a symbol contributes an "intangible" - a sense that things are moving and that war is not imminent.
If the impasse between the GPH and the MILF continues and no new agreement on the IMT happens, the IMT will have to go and leave Mindanao by December 8, 2010. Yes, the red date is December 8, 2010. Based on the Terms of Reference of the International Monitoring Team dated December 9, 2009, the term of the mandate of the IMT is only for 12 months:
"8. DURATION - The term of the mandate of the IMT shall be 12 months except Civilian Protection Component (CPC) which shall remain in place and continue to perform its function should the IMT cease to operate. Extension of the term of the mandate may be considered on a year-to-year basis upon the request by both GRP and MILF."
In order for the IMT to continue fulfilling its duties of monitoring the interim agreements on ceasefire, humanitarian, development and rehabilitation aspects, its mandate must be renewed by the parties. If no new agreement on the term of the IMT happens before December 8, 2010 then the IMT has to leave. Once the IMT leaves, what remains will be the Civilian Protection Component which is composed of the Brussels-based Nonviolent Peaceforce, MinHRAC, Mindanao Peoples Caucus and MOGOP.
(Thw Author - Atty Bong Montessa served in the GRP-MILF Peace Talks in various capacities.Today is November 10. 28 days to go to.[ Also published at: http://bongmontesa.wordpress.com] and [kusogmindanaw] 28 days to go [Wednesday, November 10, 2010 9:54 AM – Today is November 13. 28 days to go MEANS – 25 DAYS LEFT….)
CBCS KEY LEADERS EMBARKED ON “DO NO HARM” TRAINING
Twenty Five key leaders of the Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society Organization (CBCS) just concluded its training on “Do No Harm” principles held at Estosan Garden Hotel in Cotabato City last November 9 -12, 2010. The participants were headed by no less than its Chairperson Guiamel M. Alim and the members of its Secretariat in the Central Office.
The bulk of participants were composed of Chairmen and Regional Coordinators of CBCS Regional Management Committees (RMCs) coming from the eight Regions covering SOCSKSARGEN, Davao, Lanao, Zamboanga, Sibugay, Basilan and Sulu areas. The input and facilitation of the training was handled by Miriam Riechers, Supervisor for the Do No Harm program of the German Development Services (DED).
The “Do No Harm” principles or framework is already proven important tools in analyzing the impact of projects especially dealing with interventions being made by International Communities in conflict-affected and related to relief assistance all over the world. But a deeper look at the framework as an “impact analysis tool” can be very useful in a wider sense. It can be an effective tool in analyzing impact of individual, group or organization decisions, project, programs or activities.
The core-substance of Do No Harm principle is its very comprehensive “Conflict-Mapping Tools” and the analysis of “Implicit Ethical Messages” of every individual, group or organizations attitude, undertakings or programs. Through this method, one is able to identify the classification of individual or group’s acts and can be either “divider” or “connector” in a conflict situation inadvertently.
By nature, man is born good but more often than not people or group commits error not by intention but as result of hasty decision-making or just simple neglect of other elements which are taught to be of less importance. In principle explicit attitudes or intentional can be easily detected and prevented and therefore the frameworks focus more on the implicit ones which are consequence of unintentional acts and can be considered more dangerous than former.
Guiamel Alim, CBCS Chairperson hoped that the skills acquired by CBCS Key Leaders will be utilized and be effectively applied in every level of interventions on the ground. This he said could be a great help to lessen the burden of managing a complex organization like CBCS which is operating in a network category.
The bulk of participants were composed of Chairmen and Regional Coordinators of CBCS Regional Management Committees (RMCs) coming from the eight Regions covering SOCSKSARGEN, Davao, Lanao, Zamboanga, Sibugay, Basilan and Sulu areas. The input and facilitation of the training was handled by Miriam Riechers, Supervisor for the Do No Harm program of the German Development Services (DED).
The “Do No Harm” principles or framework is already proven important tools in analyzing the impact of projects especially dealing with interventions being made by International Communities in conflict-affected and related to relief assistance all over the world. But a deeper look at the framework as an “impact analysis tool” can be very useful in a wider sense. It can be an effective tool in analyzing impact of individual, group or organization decisions, project, programs or activities.
The core-substance of Do No Harm principle is its very comprehensive “Conflict-Mapping Tools” and the analysis of “Implicit Ethical Messages” of every individual, group or organizations attitude, undertakings or programs. Through this method, one is able to identify the classification of individual or group’s acts and can be either “divider” or “connector” in a conflict situation inadvertently.
By nature, man is born good but more often than not people or group commits error not by intention but as result of hasty decision-making or just simple neglect of other elements which are taught to be of less importance. In principle explicit attitudes or intentional can be easily detected and prevented and therefore the frameworks focus more on the implicit ones which are consequence of unintentional acts and can be considered more dangerous than former.
Guiamel Alim, CBCS Chairperson hoped that the skills acquired by CBCS Key Leaders will be utilized and be effectively applied in every level of interventions on the ground. This he said could be a great help to lessen the burden of managing a complex organization like CBCS which is operating in a network category.
Monday, November 1, 2010
GRP-MILF PEACE TALKS TRENDS UNDER THE AQUINO REGIME
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Thursday, October 14, 2010
COCOY’S PUBLIC STATEMENT
*“Sige ka, magiging Cocoy ka.”*
This line has become part of the equation to scare Human Rights workers and the people in Sulu away from the very thing that is inherent to human -- their rights. The Tausugs are being turned into a bunch of walking zombies apathetic to state abuses and pass them off as another foul meal gone into their stomachs. By making a case out of me, the Sulu local government has so far been relatively successful in their tactics to shut people’s voices from speaking out and having a take on what is right and wrong in their own community. But so long as there are Tausugs who know believe in the sanctity of Life, the government can never debauch the very purpose of its existence -- to protect its people. There’s always one out of ten souls who dare and resist to be gagged and mummed and they serve as that sliver of light all throughout our struggle. With that, i cannot say that the Voldemorts of Sulu local government are wholly successful in their attempt to silence us.
Around at the same time today last year, my wife received my arrest warrant at our home in Jolo, Sulu. I was charged of Multiply Frustrated Murder with Use of Explosive under RA 9615 for, the warrant claims, bombing Governor Abdusakur Tan near the local provincial office in Sulu. I never had the chance to read and see it myself, i was not at home during that time. My wife called me up and told me about it in an unperturbed manner. Since then, i never got the chance to go back home and see my kids running and lounging around the house or in their schoolbags and lunchboxes going to and back
from school.
I received a diarrhea of criticisms, for one, “If he is really not guilty, why doesn’t he submit to the law and come out clean?” This is precisely why i chose Human Rights advocacy to be my lifetime endeavor. In the Philippines, let alone in Sulu, the law does not work for the people to whom it is supposed to be serving. The assumption “innocent until proven guilty” has never been the case but otherwise; you are “guilty until proven innocent” and, chances are, you’d be locked away in oblivion. No way. Allowing them to get me would be unwise. I refuse to be a victim. I refuse to participate in the ridiculous and unfounded verdict of the state against me. The state needs me to justify their own lies and shamelessness.
A year after this so-called hiding, I say this is probably both the best and worst time of my life. The life of an HR advocate is no joke. If it’s worse in the rest of Philippine regions, it’s worst to be one in Sulu. One year outside Sulu allowed me to get a good grasp of my community’s social ills. To sow chaos in the hearts and minds of Tausugs whose sole aspiration is the Right to Self-determination, the national government’s divide and rule tactic has worked quite well. Now, as non-Muslims see it, it’s Muslims against Muslims. Puppet leaders are installed to create an illusion of self-governance and oppress any hints of assertion of historical and political rights. The state is the larger enemy. The Philippine state is the womb of all sins committed against the people of Sulu which keep us broken, divided and swamped in all of these wrong intentions.
Sulu is possibly the vaguest or most complicated thing one would ever encounter. HR workers has to battle against the damaging consequences of governance tailored to suit the vested interests of those in power -- autocracy and anarchy combined. The parasitic nature of both is out there ruining the lives of our common people. The leaders and followers are caught in a corrupted “Lord-and-Slave” mindset where the autocratic Lord sanctions the lawlessness of its followers cultivating a medieval attitude of shamelessness known to any man. As a result, everyone becomes a warlord.
This explains the nerve of the state and its armed forces to bomb us while we’re praying during Eidl Fitr, to declare an unnecessary State of Emergency and create the Civilian Emergency Forces (CEF), to perpetrate HR violations through massacres and mass killings, to shrug gang rape off, to ignore the mushrooming of communities of drug-pushers, among others. The are no words to describe the local government of Sulu today but a huge perversion of the idea of an Islamic community. Root of the ill is simple. It is nothing more but ego, pride and politics of human relationship. One wants to rule over the other. And, at the expense of Tausug lives.
Massacre of innocent civilians and families in Sulu hinterlands is already a common phenomenon in Sulu and why it has become so is due to the law that is selective and state that is oppressive. At the risk of being redundant, it is clear how this create terrorists in the minds of the public ,and justify wars and ultimately the bulk of national expenditure allotted to the Philippine military. Have you ever heard of massacre victims to whom justice has been served?
During the 2009 State of Emergency, wives, mothers and daughters of victims of warrantless and random arrests came to my house and sought any form of help. I tried to negotiate with Governor Tan only to get a wild and heartless reply, “There is nothing we can do if they are poor and cannot afford lawyers.” Have you ever heard if justice has been served to these victims?
I am not sure how many of you -- Filipinos, the national government, Philippine media -- knew about the condemnable 2009 gang rape in Sulu where it is not anymore safe for students and young girls to roam around the town even in broad daylight. And the local government has the face to tell us that there should be a news blackout on gang rape because the province is already suffering from bad image. More so, Sulu became a landfill of garbage with such a garbage attitude of local leaders. Have you ever heard of a single gang rape victim who saw her perpetrators being brought to justice?
Answers are NO, NO and NO. The state and the media could not care any less because the victims are Muslims. And therefore no way am i gonna submit to their theatrical exercise of their law. The act of oppressing and silencing me is an act of admission that the government has an unimaginable abuses to hide.
Why am i not in Sulu right now?
First, I need to raise this issue into the national scale where there would be a relative application of the law otherwise i would be completely at the mercy of manipulative hands of local executive and judiciary branch whose services have a corresponding price. I cannot afford their services.
Second, i wouldn’t want this to turn into another family feud or families against families as i have very good friends from the side of the Tans. As reprehensible the culture of family feud as it may be, there can never be any good reason to involve other family members who do not wish to be in the middle of this conflict. Every single Tausug would know the trouble of a family feud in Sulu. It is very clear that this conflict is not a personal one between me and Governor Tan as i have experienced this same kind of harrassment from previous Sulu governors. The real issue at hand is that of Tausugs being made defenseless and helpless against the state abuses.
Third, I am obliged to share that sometime in June and July 2009 when i was invited for questioning, my families and supporters armed themselves to prevent the authorities from getting me. Schools, government offices and institutions, private establishment temporarily closed down due to the panic created by the possibility of armed conflict between the two families. The disruption of classes, official and business activities are inexcusable. It defeats my purpose of working for the betterment of my community.
Whether we admit it or not, Sulu is down the gorge of moral decadence. In the course of the Bangsamoro people’s fight for change, divide-and-rule tactics successfully ambushed us, and not choosing to stand up again is definitely something our sons and daughters from the next generation will condemn us for. There can be no other option but for the Tausugs to unite again for we are slowly dying. We are a life gradually turning chlorotic and arid.
It is our responsibility to fight for this right to life—a fight that I do not intend to abandon—one that gives me more reason to face the malicious charges filed against me. I am very much willing to face my accuser, but not in any of the courts in Sulu as they have already been rendered incompetent to handle my case since my accuser has virtually become the judge and executioner in my home province.
Lastly, i would like to thank all the peacekeeping forces and organizations who ceaselessly believe in the strength of peace, understanding and unity, in the strength of Tausugs to achieve the genuine Right to Self-determination, and in the strength of possiblity that Sulu can still serve as a portion of Ummah to all the adherents of Islam.
TEMOGEN “COCOY” TULAWIE
Sulu Human Rights Defender
This line has become part of the equation to scare Human Rights workers and the people in Sulu away from the very thing that is inherent to human -- their rights. The Tausugs are being turned into a bunch of walking zombies apathetic to state abuses and pass them off as another foul meal gone into their stomachs. By making a case out of me, the Sulu local government has so far been relatively successful in their tactics to shut people’s voices from speaking out and having a take on what is right and wrong in their own community. But so long as there are Tausugs who know believe in the sanctity of Life, the government can never debauch the very purpose of its existence -- to protect its people. There’s always one out of ten souls who dare and resist to be gagged and mummed and they serve as that sliver of light all throughout our struggle. With that, i cannot say that the Voldemorts of Sulu local government are wholly successful in their attempt to silence us.
Around at the same time today last year, my wife received my arrest warrant at our home in Jolo, Sulu. I was charged of Multiply Frustrated Murder with Use of Explosive under RA 9615 for, the warrant claims, bombing Governor Abdusakur Tan near the local provincial office in Sulu. I never had the chance to read and see it myself, i was not at home during that time. My wife called me up and told me about it in an unperturbed manner. Since then, i never got the chance to go back home and see my kids running and lounging around the house or in their schoolbags and lunchboxes going to and back
from school.
I received a diarrhea of criticisms, for one, “If he is really not guilty, why doesn’t he submit to the law and come out clean?” This is precisely why i chose Human Rights advocacy to be my lifetime endeavor. In the Philippines, let alone in Sulu, the law does not work for the people to whom it is supposed to be serving. The assumption “innocent until proven guilty” has never been the case but otherwise; you are “guilty until proven innocent” and, chances are, you’d be locked away in oblivion. No way. Allowing them to get me would be unwise. I refuse to be a victim. I refuse to participate in the ridiculous and unfounded verdict of the state against me. The state needs me to justify their own lies and shamelessness.
A year after this so-called hiding, I say this is probably both the best and worst time of my life. The life of an HR advocate is no joke. If it’s worse in the rest of Philippine regions, it’s worst to be one in Sulu. One year outside Sulu allowed me to get a good grasp of my community’s social ills. To sow chaos in the hearts and minds of Tausugs whose sole aspiration is the Right to Self-determination, the national government’s divide and rule tactic has worked quite well. Now, as non-Muslims see it, it’s Muslims against Muslims. Puppet leaders are installed to create an illusion of self-governance and oppress any hints of assertion of historical and political rights. The state is the larger enemy. The Philippine state is the womb of all sins committed against the people of Sulu which keep us broken, divided and swamped in all of these wrong intentions.
Sulu is possibly the vaguest or most complicated thing one would ever encounter. HR workers has to battle against the damaging consequences of governance tailored to suit the vested interests of those in power -- autocracy and anarchy combined. The parasitic nature of both is out there ruining the lives of our common people. The leaders and followers are caught in a corrupted “Lord-and-Slave” mindset where the autocratic Lord sanctions the lawlessness of its followers cultivating a medieval attitude of shamelessness known to any man. As a result, everyone becomes a warlord.
This explains the nerve of the state and its armed forces to bomb us while we’re praying during Eidl Fitr, to declare an unnecessary State of Emergency and create the Civilian Emergency Forces (CEF), to perpetrate HR violations through massacres and mass killings, to shrug gang rape off, to ignore the mushrooming of communities of drug-pushers, among others. The are no words to describe the local government of Sulu today but a huge perversion of the idea of an Islamic community. Root of the ill is simple. It is nothing more but ego, pride and politics of human relationship. One wants to rule over the other. And, at the expense of Tausug lives.
Massacre of innocent civilians and families in Sulu hinterlands is already a common phenomenon in Sulu and why it has become so is due to the law that is selective and state that is oppressive. At the risk of being redundant, it is clear how this create terrorists in the minds of the public ,and justify wars and ultimately the bulk of national expenditure allotted to the Philippine military. Have you ever heard of massacre victims to whom justice has been served?
During the 2009 State of Emergency, wives, mothers and daughters of victims of warrantless and random arrests came to my house and sought any form of help. I tried to negotiate with Governor Tan only to get a wild and heartless reply, “There is nothing we can do if they are poor and cannot afford lawyers.” Have you ever heard if justice has been served to these victims?
I am not sure how many of you -- Filipinos, the national government, Philippine media -- knew about the condemnable 2009 gang rape in Sulu where it is not anymore safe for students and young girls to roam around the town even in broad daylight. And the local government has the face to tell us that there should be a news blackout on gang rape because the province is already suffering from bad image. More so, Sulu became a landfill of garbage with such a garbage attitude of local leaders. Have you ever heard of a single gang rape victim who saw her perpetrators being brought to justice?
Answers are NO, NO and NO. The state and the media could not care any less because the victims are Muslims. And therefore no way am i gonna submit to their theatrical exercise of their law. The act of oppressing and silencing me is an act of admission that the government has an unimaginable abuses to hide.
Why am i not in Sulu right now?
First, I need to raise this issue into the national scale where there would be a relative application of the law otherwise i would be completely at the mercy of manipulative hands of local executive and judiciary branch whose services have a corresponding price. I cannot afford their services.
Second, i wouldn’t want this to turn into another family feud or families against families as i have very good friends from the side of the Tans. As reprehensible the culture of family feud as it may be, there can never be any good reason to involve other family members who do not wish to be in the middle of this conflict. Every single Tausug would know the trouble of a family feud in Sulu. It is very clear that this conflict is not a personal one between me and Governor Tan as i have experienced this same kind of harrassment from previous Sulu governors. The real issue at hand is that of Tausugs being made defenseless and helpless against the state abuses.
Third, I am obliged to share that sometime in June and July 2009 when i was invited for questioning, my families and supporters armed themselves to prevent the authorities from getting me. Schools, government offices and institutions, private establishment temporarily closed down due to the panic created by the possibility of armed conflict between the two families. The disruption of classes, official and business activities are inexcusable. It defeats my purpose of working for the betterment of my community.
Whether we admit it or not, Sulu is down the gorge of moral decadence. In the course of the Bangsamoro people’s fight for change, divide-and-rule tactics successfully ambushed us, and not choosing to stand up again is definitely something our sons and daughters from the next generation will condemn us for. There can be no other option but for the Tausugs to unite again for we are slowly dying. We are a life gradually turning chlorotic and arid.
It is our responsibility to fight for this right to life—a fight that I do not intend to abandon—one that gives me more reason to face the malicious charges filed against me. I am very much willing to face my accuser, but not in any of the courts in Sulu as they have already been rendered incompetent to handle my case since my accuser has virtually become the judge and executioner in my home province.
Lastly, i would like to thank all the peacekeeping forces and organizations who ceaselessly believe in the strength of peace, understanding and unity, in the strength of Tausugs to achieve the genuine Right to Self-determination, and in the strength of possiblity that Sulu can still serve as a portion of Ummah to all the adherents of Islam.
TEMOGEN “COCOY” TULAWIE
Sulu Human Rights Defender
Tuesday, October 12, 2010
A CALL FOR THE REALIZATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
The Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS) is a network of key Moro civil society organizations strategically located in the Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) including Moro communities in some parts of Mindanao. To date, the CBCS has eight (8) regional formations with their corresponding regional management committees (RMC} based in Cotabato City, General Santos City, Digos City, Marawi City, Pagadian City, Zamboanga City, Basilan and Sulu to pursue the advocacy for human rights, peace and good governance
After the formation of its management committee in the Sulu Region in 2006, the CBCS member organizations in the area have elected Mr. Temogen “Cocoy” Sahipa Tulawie as the first chairperson of their RMC. With his 3- year stint with the Sulu RMC as chairperson, Mr. Timogen “Cocoy” Tulawie has shown extraordinary courage and a sterling performance in the protection of human rights, advocacy for peace, and promotion of good governance.
As a human rights defender, he spearheaded the staging of a protest rally to seek justice for the victims of the Ipil massacre where eight civilians, among them a 4 year-old child died as a result of an indiscriminate firing of the Philippine Navy under the Western Mindanao Command in Bgy. Ipil, Maimbung Sulu on February 4, 2008. He also led protest actions against the implementation of the Sulu Provincial Identification Card System in January 2008, which ordered the mandatory wearing of ID cards by Sulu citizens.
When the state of emergency was declared in the Sulu island province by Governor Sakur Tan on March 31 last year, he exposed the rampant human rights violations committed by the Civilian Emergency Forces (CEF) and spearheaded the move to call for the lifting of the state of emergency.
When the GRP-MILF peace negotiation was on the brink of collapse in 2008 and 2009, he led the move to call for the sustenance of the peace talks. When the GRP and MNLF squabbled on the interpretation of the Final Peace Accord, he spearheaded a move to call for a comprehensive review and full implementation of the said peace accord.
As a staunch peace advocate, he also mobilized key leaders of CBCS member-organizations in his region to mediate and settle local conflicts. And as a proponent of good governance, Cocoy Tulawie mobilized the same group to monitor and ensure the conduct of a clean, honest, accurate, meaningful and peaceful election in his beloved island province of Sulu.
With this track record in defending and promoting human rights as well as responsible governance, it is no wonder then that his daring and passionate advocacies may have threatened or gotten the ire of some parties and political personalities in the province.
When Mr. Temogen “Cocoy” Tulawie was tagged as among the suspects in the alleged ambush of Governor Sakur Tan a year ago, he immediately tendered his resignation as chairperson of RMC of Sulu Region to avoid dragging the name of CBCS on the issue. On August 5 this year, he was again tagged as mastermind behind the bombing attack on Gov. Tan outside the arrival area of the Zamboanga City airport.
We in the CBCS were and are deeply saddened by this development and find it ironic -- but not at all surprising -- that being a human rights defender, peace advocate and a proponent of good governance, he was harassed and charged with a crime merely founded on questionable and non-validated source of information and testimonies.
We are also alarmed that if this arbitrary practice will not be properly checked, more human rights defenders, peace activists and proponents of responsible governance will be put into risk by being harassed and charged with a crime similar to that of Mr. Temogen “Cocoy” Tulawie.
We vehemently condemn the harassment done on Mr. Timogen “Cocoy” Tulawie and members of his family. We also sympathize with the suffering and anguish he has undergone since he went into hiding to avoid falling into the hands of Sulu and Zamboanga authorities he referred to as both his “judge and executioner.”
As we manifest our unwavering unity and solidarity with the people of Sulu, we are also urging the government, especially the Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Presidential Commission on Human Rights (PCHR), to immediate conduct an impartial re-investigation of the case charged against Mr. Temogen “Cocoy” Tulawie and for the speedy resolution of the Petition for Review and Prohibition he filed at the DOJ.
Uphold the integrity of human rights defenders! Protect the peace advocates and proponents of good governance in the ARMM! Uphold the integrity of Mr. Temogen “Cocoy” Tulawie as a staunch human rights defender and protect his rights as a citizen, as a peace advocate and a proponent of good governance!
Adopted and issued in Cotabato City, this 12th day of October 2010.
Reference:
Sammy Maulana
Secretary-General
Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS)
Handy numbers: 09282277154; 09061893507
After the formation of its management committee in the Sulu Region in 2006, the CBCS member organizations in the area have elected Mr. Temogen “Cocoy” Sahipa Tulawie as the first chairperson of their RMC. With his 3- year stint with the Sulu RMC as chairperson, Mr. Timogen “Cocoy” Tulawie has shown extraordinary courage and a sterling performance in the protection of human rights, advocacy for peace, and promotion of good governance.
As a human rights defender, he spearheaded the staging of a protest rally to seek justice for the victims of the Ipil massacre where eight civilians, among them a 4 year-old child died as a result of an indiscriminate firing of the Philippine Navy under the Western Mindanao Command in Bgy. Ipil, Maimbung Sulu on February 4, 2008. He also led protest actions against the implementation of the Sulu Provincial Identification Card System in January 2008, which ordered the mandatory wearing of ID cards by Sulu citizens.
When the state of emergency was declared in the Sulu island province by Governor Sakur Tan on March 31 last year, he exposed the rampant human rights violations committed by the Civilian Emergency Forces (CEF) and spearheaded the move to call for the lifting of the state of emergency.
When the GRP-MILF peace negotiation was on the brink of collapse in 2008 and 2009, he led the move to call for the sustenance of the peace talks. When the GRP and MNLF squabbled on the interpretation of the Final Peace Accord, he spearheaded a move to call for a comprehensive review and full implementation of the said peace accord.
As a staunch peace advocate, he also mobilized key leaders of CBCS member-organizations in his region to mediate and settle local conflicts. And as a proponent of good governance, Cocoy Tulawie mobilized the same group to monitor and ensure the conduct of a clean, honest, accurate, meaningful and peaceful election in his beloved island province of Sulu.
With this track record in defending and promoting human rights as well as responsible governance, it is no wonder then that his daring and passionate advocacies may have threatened or gotten the ire of some parties and political personalities in the province.
When Mr. Temogen “Cocoy” Tulawie was tagged as among the suspects in the alleged ambush of Governor Sakur Tan a year ago, he immediately tendered his resignation as chairperson of RMC of Sulu Region to avoid dragging the name of CBCS on the issue. On August 5 this year, he was again tagged as mastermind behind the bombing attack on Gov. Tan outside the arrival area of the Zamboanga City airport.
We in the CBCS were and are deeply saddened by this development and find it ironic -- but not at all surprising -- that being a human rights defender, peace advocate and a proponent of good governance, he was harassed and charged with a crime merely founded on questionable and non-validated source of information and testimonies.
We are also alarmed that if this arbitrary practice will not be properly checked, more human rights defenders, peace activists and proponents of responsible governance will be put into risk by being harassed and charged with a crime similar to that of Mr. Temogen “Cocoy” Tulawie.
We vehemently condemn the harassment done on Mr. Timogen “Cocoy” Tulawie and members of his family. We also sympathize with the suffering and anguish he has undergone since he went into hiding to avoid falling into the hands of Sulu and Zamboanga authorities he referred to as both his “judge and executioner.”
As we manifest our unwavering unity and solidarity with the people of Sulu, we are also urging the government, especially the Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Presidential Commission on Human Rights (PCHR), to immediate conduct an impartial re-investigation of the case charged against Mr. Temogen “Cocoy” Tulawie and for the speedy resolution of the Petition for Review and Prohibition he filed at the DOJ.
Uphold the integrity of human rights defenders! Protect the peace advocates and proponents of good governance in the ARMM! Uphold the integrity of Mr. Temogen “Cocoy” Tulawie as a staunch human rights defender and protect his rights as a citizen, as a peace advocate and a proponent of good governance!
Adopted and issued in Cotabato City, this 12th day of October 2010.
Reference:
Sammy Maulana
Secretary-General
Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS)
Handy numbers: 09282277154; 09061893507
Saturday, August 28, 2010
Vatican Message to Muslims for Ramadan
"Christians Are Spiritually Close to You During These Days"
Christians and Muslims:
Together in overcoming violence among followers of different religions
Dear Muslim Friends,
1. 'Id Al-Fitr, which concludes Ramadan, presents, once again, a favorable occasion to convey to you the heartfelt wishes of serenity and joy on behalf of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue.
Throughout this month, you have committed yourselves to prayer, fasting, helping the neediest and strengthening relations of family and friendship. God will not fail to reward these efforts!
2. I am delighted to note that believers of other religions, especially Christians, are spiritually close to you during these days, as is testified by the various friendly meetings which often lead to exchanges of a religious nature. It is pleasing to me also to think that this Message could be a positive contribution to your reflections.
3. The theme proposed this year by the Pontifical Council, Christians and Muslims: Together in overcoming violence among followers of different religions, is, unfortunately, a pressing subject, at least in certain areas of the world. The Joint Committee for Dialogue instituted by the Pontifical Council and al-Azhar Permanent Committee for Dialogue among the Monotheistic Religions had also chosen this topic as a subject of study, reflection and exchange during its last annual meeting (Cairo, 23 - February 24, 2010). Permit me to share with you some of the conclusions published at the end of this meeting.
4. There are many causes for violence among believers of different religious traditions, including: the manipulation of the religion for political or other ends; discrimination based on ethnicity or religious identity; divisions and social tensions. Ignorance, poverty, underdevelopment are also direct or indirect sources of violence among as well as within religious communities. May the civil and religious authorities offer their contributions in order to remedy so many situations for the sake of the common good of all society! May the civil authorities safeguard the primacy of the law by ensuring true justice to put a stop to the authors and promoters of violence!
5. There are important recommendations also given in the above mentioned text: to open our hearts to mutual forgiveness and reconciliation, for a peaceful and fruitful coexistence; to recognize what we have in common and to respect differences, as a basis for a culture of dialogue; to recognize and respect the dignity and the rights of each human being without any bias related to ethnicity or religious affiliation; necessity to promulgate just laws which guarantee the fundamental equality of all; to recall the importance of education towards respect, dialogue and fraternity in the various educational arenas: at home, in the school, in churches and mosques. Thus we will be able to oppose violence among followers of different religions and promote peace and harmony among the various religious communities. Teaching by religious leaders, as well as school books which present religions in an objective way, have, along with teaching in general, a decisive impact on the education and the formation of younger generations.
6. I hope that these considerations, as well as the responses which they elicit within your communities, and with your Christian friends, will contribute to the continuation of a dialogue, growing in respect and serenity, upon which I call the blessings of God!
Jean-Louis Cardinal Tauran
President
Archbishop Pier Luigi Celata
Secretary
"Christians Are Spiritually Close to You During These Days"
Christians and Muslims:
Together in overcoming violence among followers of different religions
Dear Muslim Friends,
1. 'Id Al-Fitr, which concludes Ramadan, presents, once again, a favorable occasion to convey to you the heartfelt wishes of serenity and joy on behalf of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue.
Throughout this month, you have committed yourselves to prayer, fasting, helping the neediest and strengthening relations of family and friendship. God will not fail to reward these efforts!
2. I am delighted to note that believers of other religions, especially Christians, are spiritually close to you during these days, as is testified by the various friendly meetings which often lead to exchanges of a religious nature. It is pleasing to me also to think that this Message could be a positive contribution to your reflections.
3. The theme proposed this year by the Pontifical Council, Christians and Muslims: Together in overcoming violence among followers of different religions, is, unfortunately, a pressing subject, at least in certain areas of the world. The Joint Committee for Dialogue instituted by the Pontifical Council and al-Azhar Permanent Committee for Dialogue among the Monotheistic Religions had also chosen this topic as a subject of study, reflection and exchange during its last annual meeting (Cairo, 23 - February 24, 2010). Permit me to share with you some of the conclusions published at the end of this meeting.
4. There are many causes for violence among believers of different religious traditions, including: the manipulation of the religion for political or other ends; discrimination based on ethnicity or religious identity; divisions and social tensions. Ignorance, poverty, underdevelopment are also direct or indirect sources of violence among as well as within religious communities. May the civil and religious authorities offer their contributions in order to remedy so many situations for the sake of the common good of all society! May the civil authorities safeguard the primacy of the law by ensuring true justice to put a stop to the authors and promoters of violence!
5. There are important recommendations also given in the above mentioned text: to open our hearts to mutual forgiveness and reconciliation, for a peaceful and fruitful coexistence; to recognize what we have in common and to respect differences, as a basis for a culture of dialogue; to recognize and respect the dignity and the rights of each human being without any bias related to ethnicity or religious affiliation; necessity to promulgate just laws which guarantee the fundamental equality of all; to recall the importance of education towards respect, dialogue and fraternity in the various educational arenas: at home, in the school, in churches and mosques. Thus we will be able to oppose violence among followers of different religions and promote peace and harmony among the various religious communities. Teaching by religious leaders, as well as school books which present religions in an objective way, have, along with teaching in general, a decisive impact on the education and the formation of younger generations.
6. I hope that these considerations, as well as the responses which they elicit within your communities, and with your Christian friends, will contribute to the continuation of a dialogue, growing in respect and serenity, upon which I call the blessings of God!
Jean-Louis Cardinal Tauran
President
Archbishop Pier Luigi Celata
Secretary
Wednesday, August 11, 2010
Opening statement of Al Haj Murad Ebrahim, Chairman of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, during the MILF-FOCAP Forum on the Peace Process
(Darapanan, Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao on August 9. 2010)
Mr. Alastair McIndoe, President of the Foreign Correspondents Association of the Philippines
My Colleagues in the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
Mr. Manny Mogato and other members of the FOCAP
Members of other media organizations, who are here with us this morning
Ladies and Gentlemen
GOOD MORNING!
It is good to say the GRP-MILF Peace Process has gone a long way, to be quite precise, more than 13 years since 1997, in a bid to solve the age-old Moro Question and armed conflict in Mindanao. We have already signed with the government 87 or so documents of various nature and importance. And the Parties have also initialed one landmark document, the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD), with their commitment to “reframe the consensus points with the end in view of moving towards the comprehensive compact to bring about a negotiated political settlement.”
Another good thing to tell you is that only one substantive agenda of the peace talks is remaining: the comprehensive compact. We have tried to deal with this agenda last January 27, 2010 when we exchanged drafts on the comprehensive compact but we failed, because the Parties’ respective positions were heaven-and-earth apart. In our draft, the main thrust is for the establishment of a state-and-substate arrangement of governance in the future Bangsamoro state, while the government’s repeated its offer to the MILF in 2000 and 2003 for an enhanced autonomy for the Moros, which is nothing but molded in the template of the present bogus Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.
For the MILF, the only way in the peace process is forward in order to complete the peace talks where we left off last June 3, this year. But for the government, it seems they are still trying to catch up with their breath on which way to go. Hints are piling up that they want to start the talks from scratch, wants to localize the talks, and to replace the facilitator of the talks. If true, these are serious propositions that can delay or even imperil the peace talks.
At present, the ground situation is still alright. No major violations of the ceasefire have been reported. Thanks to the return of the International Monitoring Team (IMT) and the other mechanisms of the peace process and ceasefire, such as the International Contact Group (ICG) and the Civilian Protection Component of the IMT. In addition, the participation of the European Union (EU) as coordinator of the Humanitarian, Relief and Development (HRD) component of the IMT and Norway’s joining the security component of the IMT contributed a lot to the legitimacy and stability of the ceasefire and the peace process. Moreover, the continuing and deepening involvement of Japan to the peace process especially their roles in the International Contact Group (ICG) and the IMT further entrenched the firmness on the ground. Also Japan through the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) provides technical and other forms of aid promoting economic and social development in the conflict affected areas (CAAs) in Mindanao.
But while this normalcy is the most desirable situation, it is expected to change dramatically once the peace talks continue to hang in the balance. And surely that threatening and provocative statement of AFP Chief of Staff General Ricardo Davide Jr. that the government will crush the New People’s Army and the MILF by 2013 is causing jittery to an already uncertain future.
What to expect of the peace process under President Noynoy Aquino is very much in the realm of speculation. Available data are still very few and loose for one to be able to draw a correct conclusion. Appointing Teresita “Deng” Deles, as secretary of the OPAPP, and Atty, Marvic Leonen, Senen Bacani, and Miriam Coronel-Ferrer, as the new government peace negotiators, is not a sure barometer on what really is in store for the peace process. These are aggravated by such misleading terminology “Situwasyon Sa Mindanaw”, and even more by pinning the hope to solve the problem when “Moro, Lumad, and Christians are talking to each other.
The greatest challenge to the peace process is whether this time the President has the political will to surmount all obstacles and oppositions including well-entrenched spoilers once the peace talks starts or when an agreement will be signed. Running parallel is whether the peace process is truly a problem-solving endeavor or just an exercise to manage the conflict, as what previous presidents, deliberately or otherwise, did.
We wish to tell you also that whether in negotiation or in the normal course of our Islamic revolutionary struggle, the political aspirations of our people remain the same and constant; i.e., we want genuine governance for our people. We want our people to decide for themselves.
Finally it is our firm hope that the Moro Question and armed conflict in Mindanao will be settled now or in our lifetime; otherwise, this struggle of our people for freedom and right to self-determination will drag on for generation after generation. To ensure this, we are preparing the young generations today to carry on the great task of liberating our people from the yoke of oppression and thralldom.
Thank you and again good morning!
Mr. Alastair McIndoe, President of the Foreign Correspondents Association of the Philippines
My Colleagues in the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
Mr. Manny Mogato and other members of the FOCAP
Members of other media organizations, who are here with us this morning
Ladies and Gentlemen
GOOD MORNING!
It is good to say the GRP-MILF Peace Process has gone a long way, to be quite precise, more than 13 years since 1997, in a bid to solve the age-old Moro Question and armed conflict in Mindanao. We have already signed with the government 87 or so documents of various nature and importance. And the Parties have also initialed one landmark document, the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD), with their commitment to “reframe the consensus points with the end in view of moving towards the comprehensive compact to bring about a negotiated political settlement.”
Another good thing to tell you is that only one substantive agenda of the peace talks is remaining: the comprehensive compact. We have tried to deal with this agenda last January 27, 2010 when we exchanged drafts on the comprehensive compact but we failed, because the Parties’ respective positions were heaven-and-earth apart. In our draft, the main thrust is for the establishment of a state-and-substate arrangement of governance in the future Bangsamoro state, while the government’s repeated its offer to the MILF in 2000 and 2003 for an enhanced autonomy for the Moros, which is nothing but molded in the template of the present bogus Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.
For the MILF, the only way in the peace process is forward in order to complete the peace talks where we left off last June 3, this year. But for the government, it seems they are still trying to catch up with their breath on which way to go. Hints are piling up that they want to start the talks from scratch, wants to localize the talks, and to replace the facilitator of the talks. If true, these are serious propositions that can delay or even imperil the peace talks.
At present, the ground situation is still alright. No major violations of the ceasefire have been reported. Thanks to the return of the International Monitoring Team (IMT) and the other mechanisms of the peace process and ceasefire, such as the International Contact Group (ICG) and the Civilian Protection Component of the IMT. In addition, the participation of the European Union (EU) as coordinator of the Humanitarian, Relief and Development (HRD) component of the IMT and Norway’s joining the security component of the IMT contributed a lot to the legitimacy and stability of the ceasefire and the peace process. Moreover, the continuing and deepening involvement of Japan to the peace process especially their roles in the International Contact Group (ICG) and the IMT further entrenched the firmness on the ground. Also Japan through the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) provides technical and other forms of aid promoting economic and social development in the conflict affected areas (CAAs) in Mindanao.
But while this normalcy is the most desirable situation, it is expected to change dramatically once the peace talks continue to hang in the balance. And surely that threatening and provocative statement of AFP Chief of Staff General Ricardo Davide Jr. that the government will crush the New People’s Army and the MILF by 2013 is causing jittery to an already uncertain future.
What to expect of the peace process under President Noynoy Aquino is very much in the realm of speculation. Available data are still very few and loose for one to be able to draw a correct conclusion. Appointing Teresita “Deng” Deles, as secretary of the OPAPP, and Atty, Marvic Leonen, Senen Bacani, and Miriam Coronel-Ferrer, as the new government peace negotiators, is not a sure barometer on what really is in store for the peace process. These are aggravated by such misleading terminology “Situwasyon Sa Mindanaw”, and even more by pinning the hope to solve the problem when “Moro, Lumad, and Christians are talking to each other.
The greatest challenge to the peace process is whether this time the President has the political will to surmount all obstacles and oppositions including well-entrenched spoilers once the peace talks starts or when an agreement will be signed. Running parallel is whether the peace process is truly a problem-solving endeavor or just an exercise to manage the conflict, as what previous presidents, deliberately or otherwise, did.
We wish to tell you also that whether in negotiation or in the normal course of our Islamic revolutionary struggle, the political aspirations of our people remain the same and constant; i.e., we want genuine governance for our people. We want our people to decide for themselves.
Finally it is our firm hope that the Moro Question and armed conflict in Mindanao will be settled now or in our lifetime; otherwise, this struggle of our people for freedom and right to self-determination will drag on for generation after generation. To ensure this, we are preparing the young generations today to carry on the great task of liberating our people from the yoke of oppression and thralldom.
Thank you and again good morning!
Tuesday, August 10, 2010
STATEMENT OF THE PHILIPPINE CENTER FOR ISLAM AND DEMOCRACY ON RECENT DEVELOPMENTS ON THE PEACE PROCESS
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CBCS STATEMENT RE ZAMBO AIRPORT BOMBING
A CALL FOR SOBRIETY AND PERSISTENCE IN ATTAINING A JUST AND LASTING PEACE
The gains of the continuous and painstaking journey for peace in Mindanao undertaken by many groups including the Civil Society both Moro and Non Moro, Government, Religious and International actors is now threatened by despicable acts of senseless violence against innocent people who have not exploited anybody in this society.
The Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS), a solidarity network of Bangsamoro NGOs and POs and other civil society organizations in Mindanao vehemently condemn in its highest form the recent bombing incident in Zamboanga City Airport on August 5, 2010 that left 3 dead and 24 others wounded. Such action constitutes a heinous crime that is not tolerable, and even condemnable, under a democratic and civilized society.
As staunch peace advocates that are collectively committed to a more sustained advocacy for Peace, Human Rights, Good Governance and Development, the CBCS strongly renounce violence of any form to realize its advocacy goals. From its inception in 2002, the CBCS grew a network of more than a hundred member-organizations all over Mindanao despite persistent challenges. The CBCS cultivated the philosophy of cooperation, collaboration and coordination among all stakeholders in facing the challenge of creating a peaceful and just society.
The CBCS operates in a highly professional manner in pursuit of its ideological, political and organizational undertakings. It has eight (8) regional formations all over Mindanao called the Regional Management Committee (RMC) composed of local member organizations that elects among themselves a set of officers. These RMCs are collectively managed by the Council of Leaders (CoL) composed of leaders of network members elected by their respective regions.
While we urge the government particularly the Philippine National Police to conduct an impartial investigation to identify the real perpetrator of such crime and let the rule of law govern to mete justice for the victims, we also caution the law enforcers to take into consideration the observance of human rights in carrying out their tasks.
Finally we ask all individuals and organizations both at the local and international level especially the peace advocates and human rights defenders to make tighter their ropes of perseverance in confronting the challenges of attaining a just and lasting peace in Mindanao.
Adopted and signed in Pagadian City this 7th day of August 2010.
The CBCS
SAMMY P. MAULANA [Secretary-General] 0918-3881760
---
The regional formations of CBCS are: KUTAWATO REGION (Provinces of Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat, North Cotabato, and the Cities of Cotabato, Kidapawan and Tacurong), RANAW REGION (Provinces of Lanao del Sur and Lanao del Norte and Cities of Marawi, Iligan and part of Cagayan de Oro City), DABAW REGION ( Provinces of Davao del Sur, Davao del Norte, Davao Oriental and Compostela Valley and the Cities of Davao and Digos), SIBUGAY REGION ( Provinces of ZAMBOANGA DEL Sur, Zamboanga del Norte and Sibugay and the Cities of Pagadian, Ipil and Dipolog), SAMBOANGAN REGION (Zamboanga City) BASILAN REGION (Province of Basilan and Isabela City) SULU REGION (Province of Sulu), TAWI-TAWI REGION (Province of Tawi-Tawi) and RAJAH BUAYAN REGION (Provinces of South Cotabato, Sarangan, Sultan Kudarat and the Cities of Koronadal and General Santos).
The gains of the continuous and painstaking journey for peace in Mindanao undertaken by many groups including the Civil Society both Moro and Non Moro, Government, Religious and International actors is now threatened by despicable acts of senseless violence against innocent people who have not exploited anybody in this society.
The Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS), a solidarity network of Bangsamoro NGOs and POs and other civil society organizations in Mindanao vehemently condemn in its highest form the recent bombing incident in Zamboanga City Airport on August 5, 2010 that left 3 dead and 24 others wounded. Such action constitutes a heinous crime that is not tolerable, and even condemnable, under a democratic and civilized society.
As staunch peace advocates that are collectively committed to a more sustained advocacy for Peace, Human Rights, Good Governance and Development, the CBCS strongly renounce violence of any form to realize its advocacy goals. From its inception in 2002, the CBCS grew a network of more than a hundred member-organizations all over Mindanao despite persistent challenges. The CBCS cultivated the philosophy of cooperation, collaboration and coordination among all stakeholders in facing the challenge of creating a peaceful and just society.
The CBCS operates in a highly professional manner in pursuit of its ideological, political and organizational undertakings. It has eight (8) regional formations all over Mindanao called the Regional Management Committee (RMC) composed of local member organizations that elects among themselves a set of officers. These RMCs are collectively managed by the Council of Leaders (CoL) composed of leaders of network members elected by their respective regions.
While we urge the government particularly the Philippine National Police to conduct an impartial investigation to identify the real perpetrator of such crime and let the rule of law govern to mete justice for the victims, we also caution the law enforcers to take into consideration the observance of human rights in carrying out their tasks.
Finally we ask all individuals and organizations both at the local and international level especially the peace advocates and human rights defenders to make tighter their ropes of perseverance in confronting the challenges of attaining a just and lasting peace in Mindanao.
Adopted and signed in Pagadian City this 7th day of August 2010.
The CBCS
SAMMY P. MAULANA [Secretary-General] 0918-3881760
---
The regional formations of CBCS are: KUTAWATO REGION (Provinces of Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat, North Cotabato, and the Cities of Cotabato, Kidapawan and Tacurong), RANAW REGION (Provinces of Lanao del Sur and Lanao del Norte and Cities of Marawi, Iligan and part of Cagayan de Oro City), DABAW REGION ( Provinces of Davao del Sur, Davao del Norte, Davao Oriental and Compostela Valley and the Cities of Davao and Digos), SIBUGAY REGION ( Provinces of ZAMBOANGA DEL Sur, Zamboanga del Norte and Sibugay and the Cities of Pagadian, Ipil and Dipolog), SAMBOANGAN REGION (Zamboanga City) BASILAN REGION (Province of Basilan and Isabela City) SULU REGION (Province of Sulu), TAWI-TAWI REGION (Province of Tawi-Tawi) and RAJAH BUAYAN REGION (Provinces of South Cotabato, Sarangan, Sultan Kudarat and the Cities of Koronadal and General Santos).
Thursday, July 1, 2010
GRP-MILF TALKS CLOSURE AND TRANSITION STATEMENT
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Tuesday, June 22, 2010
A Sound Lesson of the 2010 Philippine Election
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Tuesday, May 18, 2010
Police torture, burn a man with lit cigarette in General Santos City
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Soldiers torture a man held incommunicado for six days
ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION – URGENT APPEALS PROGRAMME
Urgent Appeal Case: AHRC-UAC-067-2010
17 May 2010
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PHILIPPINES: Soldiers torture a man held incommunicado for six days
ISSUES: Torture; torture victims; right to life; right to liberty and security; arbitrary arrest and detention
------------------------------------------------------
Dear Friends,
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) had been informed that a farmer, whom soldiers had arbitrarily arrested over allegations that he was a commander of a rebel group, had been tortured and held incommunicado for six days. The soldiers did not turn him over promptly to police custody, but illegally detained him in their detachment. They also ignored the victim's request to contact the village head and his wife to inform them of his whereabouts.
CASE NARRATIVE: (According to information received from the Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP) - Mindanao)
On February 26, 2010, Abdulbayan Guiamblang was passing from his farm through the detachment of the 38th Infantry Battalion, Philippine army in Barangay (village) Solon, Sultan Mastura, province of Maguindanao. He usually passes through this detachment to tend his farm that is adjacent to the village where he lives. But on this occasion a soldier guarding the detachment had stopped him.
Without explaining to him why he was being held, the soldier took him to a nearby community center (Purok house) in the village. Soon after they arrived, soldiers cuffed his hands behind his back. They wrapped his legs around with adhesive tape and blindfolded him, using the same tape. Later he felt himself being loaded into a truck. He realized that it was a military 6x6 truck that drove him for about 20 minutes to an unknown place. Here, he was interrogated and severely tortured.
While in custody, those questioning him told him that they had been looking for him for some time, and that he has pending arrest orders from the court. They also insisted that he is a commander of the rebel group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). He admitted that he is an MILF member but is not a commander. Nevertheless, he was forced to admit that he is a commander in the MILF's 1st brigade under the command of Ameril Umbra Kato.
During questioning, he was hit several times on the head with a bottle of water. His interrogation lasted from the time of his arrest on the 26th of February until 12 midnight of that same day. When he slept that night, his handcuffs were attached to the lower portion of the door, making it extremely difficult for him to move, or to sit or lie down freely.
The following day, February 27, Guiamblang was taken to another room for more interrogation, again asking him the same questions as the day before. They put him face down on the table. He was asked how many houses he had burned and when he explained that he had not burned any houses, they called him a "liar". Three times he was hit on the head and the lower back portion of his head with a bottle of water. The questioning and torture lasted for than an hour.
On the third day, February 28, Guiamblang was taken to the same interrogation room asking him the same questions as before. The left side of his body was punched hard twice and he was once again subjected to interrogation for more than an hour. Guiamblang, on March 1 and 2 again endured the same things mentioned above. Each time they took him to the interrogation room they doubled the adhesive tape blindfolding his eyes.
Guiamblang had also asked his custodians to inform the chairperson of his village about his arrest so that they would also be able to contact his wife, but his request was denied. He was now detained for five days.
On March 3, Guiamblang was taken by his interrogators for a medical check-up; however, no real medical checkup took place. The person examining him only took his blood pressure. While in the soldier's custody, he was given food twice a day.
It was only on March 4 that he was able to take a bath and was given a shirt to wear and was subsequently taken to court in Midsayap, North Cotabato where charges had been filed against him. When they got down from the vehicle, his blindfold was removed, having been in place for six continuous days. At the court, Guiamblang was made to sign a document, the contents of which were not properly explained to him. At 1pm that day, he was remanded to the North Cotabato Provincial jail in Amas, Kidapawan.
When he was taken to court and remanded in jail, Guiamblang came to know the charges against him. They included Frustrated Murder, criminal case no. 08-294; Attempted Murder criminal case no. 08-293; Kidnapping and Serious Illegal Detention criminal case no. 08-286, Robbery (29 counts) criminal case nos. 08-229 to 08-258 and Arson (68 counts) criminal case nos. 08-198 to 08-228 to 08-296 before the Regional Trial Court (RTC) Branch 18, in Midsayap town, province of North Cotabato.
On March 12, 2010 his family was finally able to visit him in the provincial jail.
ADDITIONAL INFORMATION:
In the Philippines, torture is a criminal offense following the enactment of the "Anti-Torture Act of 2009" in November 2009. Under Section 4 of this Law, the following acts of torture committed against Guiamblang would have had a penalty of Reclusion Temporal (twelve to twenty years imprisonment) once the perpetrator is prosecuted and convicted.
Under Section 4, the torture perpetrated on Guiamblang is defined as Acts of Torture in the excerpts below;
(1) Systematic beating, head banging, punching, kicking, striking with truncheon or rifle butt or other similar objects, and jumping on the stomach;
(2) Food deprivation
(6) Being tied or forced to assume fixed and stressful bodily positions
(b) “Mental/Psychological Torture”; (1) Blindfolding;
(3) Confinement in solitary cells or secret detention places;
(4) Prolonged interrogation;
(11) Deliberately prohibiting the victim from communicating with any member of his/her family
Under Section 7 (it) Prohibited Detention — Secret detention places, solitary confinement, incommunicado or other similar forms of detention, where torture may be carried out with impunity, are hereby prohibited.
SUGGESTED ACTION:
Please send letters to the concerned authorities requesting them to thoroughly investigate the torture victim's complaint. Also, the charges laid on him must be withdrawn unconditionally once it is found that the evidence and testimonies used were the result of torture.
The AHRC has also written letters to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Question of Torture for his intervention.
Source: http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2010/3453/
Urgent Appeal Case: AHRC-UAC-067-2010
17 May 2010
------------------------------------------------------
PHILIPPINES: Soldiers torture a man held incommunicado for six days
ISSUES: Torture; torture victims; right to life; right to liberty and security; arbitrary arrest and detention
------------------------------------------------------
Dear Friends,
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) had been informed that a farmer, whom soldiers had arbitrarily arrested over allegations that he was a commander of a rebel group, had been tortured and held incommunicado for six days. The soldiers did not turn him over promptly to police custody, but illegally detained him in their detachment. They also ignored the victim's request to contact the village head and his wife to inform them of his whereabouts.
CASE NARRATIVE: (According to information received from the Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP) - Mindanao)
On February 26, 2010, Abdulbayan Guiamblang was passing from his farm through the detachment of the 38th Infantry Battalion, Philippine army in Barangay (village) Solon, Sultan Mastura, province of Maguindanao. He usually passes through this detachment to tend his farm that is adjacent to the village where he lives. But on this occasion a soldier guarding the detachment had stopped him.
Without explaining to him why he was being held, the soldier took him to a nearby community center (Purok house) in the village. Soon after they arrived, soldiers cuffed his hands behind his back. They wrapped his legs around with adhesive tape and blindfolded him, using the same tape. Later he felt himself being loaded into a truck. He realized that it was a military 6x6 truck that drove him for about 20 minutes to an unknown place. Here, he was interrogated and severely tortured.
While in custody, those questioning him told him that they had been looking for him for some time, and that he has pending arrest orders from the court. They also insisted that he is a commander of the rebel group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). He admitted that he is an MILF member but is not a commander. Nevertheless, he was forced to admit that he is a commander in the MILF's 1st brigade under the command of Ameril Umbra Kato.
During questioning, he was hit several times on the head with a bottle of water. His interrogation lasted from the time of his arrest on the 26th of February until 12 midnight of that same day. When he slept that night, his handcuffs were attached to the lower portion of the door, making it extremely difficult for him to move, or to sit or lie down freely.
The following day, February 27, Guiamblang was taken to another room for more interrogation, again asking him the same questions as the day before. They put him face down on the table. He was asked how many houses he had burned and when he explained that he had not burned any houses, they called him a "liar". Three times he was hit on the head and the lower back portion of his head with a bottle of water. The questioning and torture lasted for than an hour.
On the third day, February 28, Guiamblang was taken to the same interrogation room asking him the same questions as before. The left side of his body was punched hard twice and he was once again subjected to interrogation for more than an hour. Guiamblang, on March 1 and 2 again endured the same things mentioned above. Each time they took him to the interrogation room they doubled the adhesive tape blindfolding his eyes.
Guiamblang had also asked his custodians to inform the chairperson of his village about his arrest so that they would also be able to contact his wife, but his request was denied. He was now detained for five days.
On March 3, Guiamblang was taken by his interrogators for a medical check-up; however, no real medical checkup took place. The person examining him only took his blood pressure. While in the soldier's custody, he was given food twice a day.
It was only on March 4 that he was able to take a bath and was given a shirt to wear and was subsequently taken to court in Midsayap, North Cotabato where charges had been filed against him. When they got down from the vehicle, his blindfold was removed, having been in place for six continuous days. At the court, Guiamblang was made to sign a document, the contents of which were not properly explained to him. At 1pm that day, he was remanded to the North Cotabato Provincial jail in Amas, Kidapawan.
When he was taken to court and remanded in jail, Guiamblang came to know the charges against him. They included Frustrated Murder, criminal case no. 08-294; Attempted Murder criminal case no. 08-293; Kidnapping and Serious Illegal Detention criminal case no. 08-286, Robbery (29 counts) criminal case nos. 08-229 to 08-258 and Arson (68 counts) criminal case nos. 08-198 to 08-228 to 08-296 before the Regional Trial Court (RTC) Branch 18, in Midsayap town, province of North Cotabato.
On March 12, 2010 his family was finally able to visit him in the provincial jail.
ADDITIONAL INFORMATION:
In the Philippines, torture is a criminal offense following the enactment of the "Anti-Torture Act of 2009" in November 2009. Under Section 4 of this Law, the following acts of torture committed against Guiamblang would have had a penalty of Reclusion Temporal (twelve to twenty years imprisonment) once the perpetrator is prosecuted and convicted.
Under Section 4, the torture perpetrated on Guiamblang is defined as Acts of Torture in the excerpts below;
(1) Systematic beating, head banging, punching, kicking, striking with truncheon or rifle butt or other similar objects, and jumping on the stomach;
(2) Food deprivation
(6) Being tied or forced to assume fixed and stressful bodily positions
(b) “Mental/Psychological Torture”; (1) Blindfolding;
(3) Confinement in solitary cells or secret detention places;
(4) Prolonged interrogation;
(11) Deliberately prohibiting the victim from communicating with any member of his/her family
Under Section 7 (it) Prohibited Detention — Secret detention places, solitary confinement, incommunicado or other similar forms of detention, where torture may be carried out with impunity, are hereby prohibited.
SUGGESTED ACTION:
Please send letters to the concerned authorities requesting them to thoroughly investigate the torture victim's complaint. Also, the charges laid on him must be withdrawn unconditionally once it is found that the evidence and testimonies used were the result of torture.
The AHRC has also written letters to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Question of Torture for his intervention.
Source: http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2010/3453/
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